Hanan Jasim Khammas, Writing Through the Body: Iraqi Responses to the War on Terror (New Texts Out Now)

Hanan Jasim Khammas, Writing Through the Body: Iraqi Responses to the War on Terror (New Texts Out Now)

Hanan Jasim Khammas, Writing Through the Body: Iraqi Responses to the War on Terror (New Texts Out Now)

By : Hanan Jasim Khammas

Hanan Jasim Khammas, Writing Through the Body: Iraqi Responses to the War on Terror (Edicions Universitat de Barcelona, 2023).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Hanan Jasim Khammas (HJK): I have written this book for three interrelated reasons. Firstly, the significant increase in the number of fictional works written about the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, the aesthetic leaps these works are inducing in the history of fiction writing in Iraq, and the new excessive concerns for writing about corporeal experiences amidst the violence in one of bloodiest episodes of Iraq’s history were all phenomena worth careful examination. Secondly, most of the scholarship on modern and contemporary Iraqi literature is concerned with the political aspect of writing primarily. This has reduced the scope of Iraqi literature to minoritarian, provincial, and disconnected literatures. Only very few scholars trace the aesthetic developments and examine contemporary Iraqi literary works in terms of how they relate to world literatures. Thus, I felt the need to write about the way contemporary Iraqi literature of this period interacts with other literatures about the same period. Thirdly, on a personal level, writing this book was a way for me to understand my exile. Being a refugee in Europe after having lived under the Ba’th regime and US-led invasion and its aftermath showed me that Iraqi people of my generation are subject to so many levels of epistemic violence that it requires years of research and reflection to come to terms with our condition. I hope my book may help other Iraqis inside and outside Iraq to understand at least part of what they have undergone.

... the perception of corporeality in contemporary Iraqi fiction politically and aesthetically responds to the encounter between the discourses of power that led to the invasion and the destruction of the Iraqi state in 2003.

J: What topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

HJK: This work states that the perception of corporeality in contemporary Iraqi fiction politically and aesthetically responds to the encounter between the discourses of power that led to the invasion and the destruction of the Iraqi state in 2003. Thus, there are many issues at play here. Firstly, this book outlines a history of corporeality in Iraqi fiction since 1919 (a year known as the beginning of the Iraqi novel) to the present. Secondly, the book shows how the discourse of the war on terror in mainstream media and Anglo-American cultural production created a semiotic sphere that, in addition to the military operations, invaded the Iraqi cultural sphere, which was already dominated by the alienating Ba’th regime discourse. To demonstrate this, I analyze Anglo-American literature, veterans’ writing, television, cinema, and video games. The aforementioned encounter has had a major impact on the representation of bodies in contemporary Iraqi fiction, both in terms of aesthetics and in terms of writing about gender and sexuality. Here, I examine Iraqi novels written after 2003, focusing mainly on the works of Sinan Antoon, Hassan Blasim, Alia Mamdouh, and Ahmed Sa’dawi, among others.  

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

HJK: This is my first major publication, before which I had written a number of academic articles and reviews concerned with contemporary Iraqi fiction and body studies.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

HJK: Nothing would make me happier than knowing that Iraqi people, scholars or otherwise, have read this book. Many commentaries and studies on the war on terror have focused on the Ba’th regime’s legacy and the experience of the perpetrators, and many political, economic, and social aspects of the conflict have been worked on all over the world; however, studies that combine both angles are rare. I believe this book could be an asset for a just and an affective review of our history. I also hope an Arabic translation will be available sometime soon. 

Other than that, I hope this book finds an audience among Islamic feminism; difference feminism; and feminist scholarship on ethics and violence studies. The book concludes with a reflection on the violence in the writing about violence and the way the politics of such writing intervenes in the perception and construction of corporeal identities. Anthropologists and sociologists interested in decolonial research in Arab and Middle Eastern studies may find this book helpful as it provides an analysis of the construction and perception of corporeal identities, considering sociopolitical, religious, and cultural factors. 

Finally, I hope many people in the United States, the United Kingdom, Italy, Spain, and Australia read this book, as parts of their history and the governments they voted for participated in the military operations in Iraq, and this book deals with the damage those operations caused, particularly the damage invisible to them. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

HJK: I am working on two different projects which both somehow relate to the book. In the first project, I am exploring other questions related to corporeality in contemporary Iraqi fiction, such as space, disability, and food. In the second project, I am working on African American female soldiers’ narratives regarding their participation in Iraq. I am sharing my research on these issues with colleagues at Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona from both areas of Arabic and American literary studies.

J: What have been the challenges in conducting and publishing such research?

HJK: As with any multi-disciplinary and archival research, this one came with several challenges. Most of them were related to the personal implications of myself as a witness and others had to do with the material aspects of research. One of the major difficulties, for instance, was to reconcile antinationalism with anticolonialism. One of the problems in the political discourses in Iraq after 2003 lies in the dichotomy of, on the one hand, opposing the military intervention, which, in certain cases, implied arguments that can subscribe to a nationalist discourse (which I did not wish to be associated with)—and, on the other hand, opposing nationalist frameworks, which implied arguments that were already being used in favor of the invasion. I found the solution was in understanding the relations between orientalism and reversed orientalism. 

Another challenge was the bibliographical support. Studying post-2003 Arabic fiction in general and Iraqi fiction in particular is a new field and there are not many books or critical works available in the common academic databases. As far as books in Arabic are concerned, I had to finance this research personally and rely on friends’ and family’s personal libraries. Some authors I contacted were generous enough to donate their books. 

There was also the question of confidence in the knowledge this research was producing. I am referring, here, to the body of institutionalized interrogation and compulsively produced narratives which refugees go through to prove the truthfulness of their stories, in addition to the composition of the scholarly canon which marginalizes and hinders the knowledge produced on the other side of the Mediterranean. Luckily, Agamben’s development of the idea of “bearing witness,” as well as affect theory, particularly in postmodern feminism, make up a space within the categorical empiricism of scholarship for such research cases to see and trust the legitimacy of the knowledge we produce.

 

Excerpt from the book (from pp. 217-220)

Note: Citation references have been removed

The examination of both the history and the development of the body’s representation in fiction, having passed through the cataclysmic strategies of the discourse of the war on terror in terms of the body and sexuality, have shown that, at least in the examined works, there is a different concern for corporeality manifested in the grotesque body and the reassessment of gender and sexuality. This difference primarily entails perceiving the body as an instrument that fades in the private realm into the public. The Iraqi private realm used to be governed by feminine attributes which were culturally associated with vulnerability, shame, and repressed sexuality – as opposed to a public realm which was governed by patriarchal masculine values representing social and national pride. The body has now become a stage on which the traits associated with the private realm identify the Iraqi subject. The exhibition of corporeality which was seen as transgressive in the first semiosphere becomes central in the third (contemporary Iraqi fiction). The centrality of bodies in their crude materiality in post 2003 narratives by Iraqi authors indicates a desire and a will to show, exhibit and open the body up to the world to be looked at, discussed, and empathised with. On a certain level, it is possible to affirm that the exposition of corporeality, the exhibition of its materiality and sexuality indicates the willingness to challenge the long history of nationalist, religious and cultural censorship. Moving from the private sphere to the public, from the invisible to the visible, from the silenced to the outspoken, from the repressed to the celebrated, as expressed in the violence of the flesh, implies a necessity for the flesh to be seen and heard. To respond to this necessity is the first indication of a shift in the perception of corporeality in a semiosphere that has imposed the necessity of hiding the body. The question is, however, where did this necessity come from? Is it only the need to rebel against the years of censorship and deprivation? Or is it a necessity to bring forward something different and new? Rebellion is one way to interpret the deployment of corporeality, but I believe there is more to it.

On metaphysical rebellion in The Rebel (1951), Camus perceives rebellion as a process of self-evaluation by means of identification and rejection or negation. For him, rebellion is not merely protesting for rights, it is a cry for sovereignty over the self. […] The first instance of rebellion is thus the awareness of the self’s condition, and then the rejection of that condition. Camus specifies that this awareness takes place via an act of identification, in which the rebel becomes aware of being undermined or violated. This implies an identification with two images or mirrors: one is the ideal self as seen and/or imagined by the rebel himself, and the other is a humiliated self that the rebel identifies with but which he denies and rejects in order to assert the ideal self. This is why Camus insists on the idea that rebellion, paradoxically, is an expression of an urgent need for unity and coherence, a unity between the value with which he is treated and the values he demands to be recognised. Rebellion, then, is the rejection of an episteme within which the subject finds himself articulated because of a latent ideal self-image that is supposed to be the closest to the real self in the rebel’s frame of self-recognition. The grotesque body and the rewriting of sexuality, then, could be seen as rebellion against the stereotypical depiction employed by the religious nationalist and colonial orientalist discourses.

Camus’s views can be applied to the Iraqi case as, on the one hand, they come from a visionary who could articulate his views on rebellion from different positions in different semiospheres at a time of epistemological violence: he could see colonialism from the perspective of both the coloniser and the colonised. On the other hand, existentialism – Sartre and Camus in particular – inspired in the twentieth century a counterculture which became popular among Iraqi intellectuals. Muhsin al-Musawi writes: “Iraqi writers have found themselves since the late 1940s more at home with Camus and Sartre”. This counterculture emerged in the spirit of decolonisation to “promote individual and collective self-awareness, [to] call for the acceptance of responsibility for one’s circumstances, or [to] organize political action”. Existentialism among Arab intellectuals, and Iraqis in particular, suggested a decolonialised answer that resisted the nationalist and Baʿthist project of transforming the Arab self, which they considered a first step towards Arab imperialism. Existentialist thought, then, has taken part in the Iraqi tradition of decolonising intellectual history and with that rejecting both colonial and nationalist bigotry – against which contemporary authors are also writing today. I do not claim, however, that contemporary Iraqi fiction is existentialist as such; rather, I am suggesting that there may be a continuity of these decolonising and antinationalist discourses between those early existentialist intellectuals and contemporary Iraqi authors. That being the case, if early existentialists deployed sexuality (masculinity) in order to express political anxieties in their decolonising project, as Bahoora suggests, contemporary authors seem to go beyond sexuality by embracing corporeality in its utmost materiality as their stage of action. 

Moreover, Camus’s view on metaphysical rebellion was often confused with collective revolution by many Iraqi authors, such as the Iraqi poet ʿAbd al-Wahāb al-Bayāti among others. Rebellion in contemporary Iraqi fiction, I argue, happens on a philosophical level that does not involve calling for a collective action; it is, rather, to dwell on the human ordeal in its pursuit for happiness in a fast-moving world and in a context tangled with multi-layered forms of coercion and the abuse of power. It is perceived in the personal and singular ownership of the body; to do with it, to write it and write about it what distinguishes it from the historical discourses that shadow it. Rebellion, then, is the enactment of the desire to transform the symbolic order, to dismantle the big Other interwoven with the construction of corporeality since the mirror stage. This shows that, in its essence, rebellion is a linguistic act, a dissolution of statements in the Foucauldian sense, the emergence of new signs at the centre of the semiosphere, pushing old ones towards the boundary as in Lotman’s theory of cultural semiotics. The rebel, in the new narratives, is the Iraqi corporeal subject who detaches himself from the constructions of sexed identity articulated in the rejected symbolic orders. This is what makes the body a sign; it pairs the subjectivity of the signifier with a rejected signified, and it is what makes the body abject: “It is something rejected from which one does not part, from which one does not protect oneself as from an object”.

The enactment of the discourse of the war on terror operates on the experienced corporeal reality as a mechanism of subjugation. The cultural reproduction of the three feminising strategies discussed in chapter III creates a perceptual reality in which Iraqi individuals – viewed through the body – find themselves passive, visible, and viewed as occupying an ontological status that corresponds to femininity in the semiosphere prior to 2003. By exposing the images of Abu-Ghraib and by relying on the visibility of the enemy, the discourse of the war on terror created what Žižek calls “a sublime body” – a body woven or “veiled”, as Yeǧenoǧlu would say, by ideological threads; a continually vincible, rejected, and despised body; a fantasy by which to support colonial (American) exceptionalism. In Remnants of Auschwitz, Giorgio Agamben describes Auschwitz as “the devastating experience in which the impossible is forced into the real”. The same can be said about Abu Ghraib and the strategies of representation enacted on the body of the Other in the discourse of the war on terror. They are not mere exploitations of “the Muslim prohibition against nudity, homosexuality, and masturbation in order to tear down the cultural fabric that keeps the integrity of these people intact”. Even if the images were intended to do this, they also forcibly violate the frames of recognition in which the people see and perceive themselves, as the images impose new frames by which “to frame” them. The materiality of the body, which was perceived as collectively private, hidden, and thus as maintaining the decency of the human being, is now publicly exposed, essentialised, reified, and framed as monstruous.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.