George Mason Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine Statement of Support for the GWU Gaza Solidarity Encampment

George Mason Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine Statement of Support for the GWU Gaza Solidarity Encampment

George Mason Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine Statement of Support for the GWU Gaza Solidarity Encampment

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was written by the George Mason University chapter of Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine in order to express support for the George Washington University Gaza Solidarity Encampment and condemn the attacks against it.]

George Mason University Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine joins our colleagues at other local institutions in voicing our full support of the DMV-area students, including George Mason students, who participated in the George Washington University Gaza Solidarity Encampment. We support them as they courageously continue to exercise their First Amendment rights, protesting against genocide and their nation’s and universities’ complicity in it.

Scholars speaking up for the human rights of Palestinians have faced harassment, threats, doxxing, and other forms of intimidation. The brunt of these have been leveled against students and faculty of color, especially those who are Arab and Muslim. Universities should be spaces of honest, fact-based analysis and discussion, where students can safely challenge systems of oppression and the narratives that legitimize them. Students should be able to, without fear of reprisal, demand that their institutions disclose investments and divest from militarism. At a time when academic freedom is under dire threat, our students risked their safety, careers, and futures to resist the suppression of speech, to center Gaza, and to demand better from the universities that they entrusted with their education and wellbeing. We commend their bravery, applaud their thoughtful commitment, and support their right to press for transparency and divestment.

Those of us who spent time at the encampment saw an organized, dignified, and energizing space of possibility. The GW encampment, like others around the country, was a moving example of nonviolent protest, and we condemn its slander by congressional representatives and university administrators looking to score political points or repress condemnation of Israel’s US-backed, genocidal violence against Palestinian people. In their dissent, students created an inclusive space of free education, food security, medical care, and creativity. They organized teach-ins, prayed, made art, held a Shabbat service, provided the press with daily briefings, and ensured each other’s safety through a practice of non-engagement with anyone who entered the encampment seeking provocation.

While the students remained peaceful and steadfast, politicians and administrators endangered the encampment’s safety through slanderous mischaracterizations of the students and their intentions. Such egregious misrepresentation served as a provocation and an escalation, as it has elsewhere in the country. We condemn in the strongest possible terms GW President Ellen Granberg’s decision to call the MPD on students who were demonstrating peacefully and endangering no one, and we demand that GW reverse its suspension of students for participating in the encampment. We equally condemn the MPD’s treatment of the students at the encampment, sweeping in before dawn, assaulting students with pepper spray, arresting over thirty students, and, according to a student’s testimonial, failing to safely secure in transport the wheelchair of an arrested student whose hands were zip-tied. We demand that all charges be dropped.

We reaffirm our commitment to support students in their First Amendment rights and to hold accountable those university administrators who would seek to deny our students those rights. We condemn in the strongest possible terms the nationwide crackdown on student encampments and the manufactured outrage at those of us who speak up for Palestine. We urge everyone to instead direct their outrage at the genocide, scholasticide, and US complicity that motivated our students to create encampments in the first place.

Members of faculty and staff at George Mason University who want to join FSJP or receive announcements about events in support of Palestinians can email fjp.gmu@gmail.com, and follow us on X here X.com/FSJPGMU

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412