J. Michael Ryan and Helen Rizzo, eds., Sexuality in the Middle East and North Africa: Contemporary Issues and Challenges (New Texts Out Now)

J. Michael Ryan and Helen Rizzo, eds., Sexuality in the Middle East and North Africa: Contemporary Issues and Challenges (New Texts Out Now)

J. Michael Ryan and Helen Rizzo, eds., Sexuality in the Middle East and North Africa: Contemporary Issues and Challenges (New Texts Out Now)

By : J. Michael Ryan and Helen Rizzo

J. Michael Ryan and Helen Rizzo (eds.), Sexuality in the Middle East and North Africa: Contemporary Issues and Challenges (Syracuse University Press, 2024).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you edit this book?

Michael Ryan and Helen Rizzo (JMR & HR): The inspiration for this book came from a desire to better understand the often controversial role that sexualities play in the context of MENA politics, religions, peoples, and lived experiences, including prejudices and discriminations. As much an effort of scholarship as of activism, our driving goal behind this volume was to make the MENA region a safer and better understood place to express, live, accept, and experience sexualities. At the heart of our scholarship is a humanistic drive toward mutual understanding and social equality. As we have both lived, worked, and conducted research in the MENA region, we felt inspired not only by academic considerations, but also by our own lived experiences.

On a purely academic level, we saw the need for such a volume. While there is a (thankfully) growing literature around sexualities in the MENA region, we believe that ours is the most comprehensive volume on the subject, and one that is accessible to scholars, activists, and lay people alike.

Issues of sexuality in the area have long served as a lightning rod for international discussions ...

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

JMR & HR: With the growing importance of sexuality studies as an interdisciplinary field globally, the contemporary MENA region is an area ripe for the study of sexuality. Issues of sexuality in the area have long served as a lightning rod for international discussions including those related to sexual harassment, sexual and reproductive health, same-sex relations and identities, the battle between states to control information and the disruptive power of the internet in doing so, and global issues of human rights, among others. For the purposes of this volume, we define the Middle East and North Africa as including the countries of Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Israel, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. All of the contributions in this volume deal with some subset of these countries depending on the relevance of the countries to their topics.

Expanding the realm of sexuality studies to more thoroughly include the MENA region and understanding sexuality in this context is an important, nay necessary, undertaking. As increasing attention has been paid to non-hegemonic gender and sexual identities around the world, the MENA region has faced challenges in terms of not only academic output, but also of academic inquiry. Our own troubles in putting together this volume have been reflective of many of the broader problems associated with the initiative to reverse these obstacles—a lack of scholarly output on the subject, a dearth of data from which to draw, and, perhaps most importantly, a justifiable fear of undertaking such an endeavor. For the moment, sexuality studies in the MENA region remains a dangerous, sometimes deadly, undertaking.

But why is this the case? As the world has witnessed an increasing global shift toward greater acceptance of female sexuality, public discussions and displays of sexuality, and gender and sexual minorities, there has been a simultaneous backlash against extending fundamental human equality toward many of the world’s most disadvantaged populations, gender and sexual minorities included. Arguably, this backlash has been particularly severe in the MENA region. As a growing number of countries have moved to extend civil equality in ways including extending abortion rights, recognizing same-sex marriages, allowing LGBT identified individuals to openly serve in the armed forces, and extending gender recognition beyond the simple binary of male and female (Ryan, “Gender Identity Laws,” 2018), other countries have responded by hardening their laws and, more importantly, with the enforcement of those laws, criminalizing, imprisoning, and even executing those seen in violation of the local sexuality-related cultural mores. Even raising questions of gender and sexual equality is now increasingly seen as a punishable offense in many countries of the MENA region. 

One of the principal issues impeding a more thorough understanding of sexualities in the MENA region is that researchers are often left dealing with social taboos rather than reliable scientific data reflecting lived realities. Sociolegal analysis remains largely possible (though the ambiguity of laws in the region in relation to sexuality should be acknowledged) but survey, ethnographic, and other forms of qualitative data collection are extremely difficult. This means that researchers are often forced to rely upon individual accounts or to theorize rooted in suspicions of what alleged cultural taboos might reflect. The kind of hard data that would normally be considered prudent for scholarship often has to be replaced by armchair speculation, particularly when dealing with issues not recorded in official registers and criminal prosecutions. 

Despite these impediments, interest in issues pertaining to sexuality in the MENA region has been increasing in recent years. The Arab Spring arguably awakened a call to justice for many in the region and it has since seen an increase in those willing to risk their lives in the pursuit of academic knowledge and political justice. Rather than declare a victor, the Arab Spring seems to have renewed vigor in the battle between those seeking to expand fundamental human rights and those seeking to repress “alternative” identities.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

JMR & HR: We had previously edited a volume entitled Gender in the Middle East and North Africa: Contemporary Issues and Challenges (Lynne-Rienner, 2022) and so this volume is, in many ways, a companion to that volume. We have both also previously done work around issues of sexualities—Helen’s recent work focuses on activism against public sexual violence in Egypt, including the role of men and masculinities, and Michael’s research has focused on issues of trans identity and the acceptance of same-sex relationships. So this volume gave us an opportunity to (again) bring that expertise to bear on a MENA context. 

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

JMR & HR: Our hope is that this volume will be useful to scholars, activists, and lay people alike. The goal of this volume (and one that we feel we accomplished) was to bring together a collection of scholarship into a single volume that tackled a variety of issues at the heart of understanding sexuality in the Middle East and North Africa and to do so on a more regional level rather than simply on the level of individual countries. This is not to say that some issues do not lend themselves to a focus on a particular country, or set of countries, but that the goal of the volume was to provide a regional analysis of the topics presented to the greatest extent possible. Simply put, the goal of this volume was to add to the growing literature surrounding sexualities in the MENA region and, we hope, to inspire further research. Lives are, quite literally, on the line, as are religious ideologies, political empowerments, global support networks, and fundamental issues of human rights. For all of these reasons, this volume matters.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

JMR: I am currently working on the eleventh edition of the sociological classic The McDonaldization of Society (with George Ritzer), as well as an edited collection (with Nancy Naples) entitled Genders and Sexualities in Transnational Perspective

HR: I am currently working on a book manuscript entitled Redefining Masculinities in the Middle East: Activism against Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in Egypt.

J: What were the challenges in putting this volume together?

JMR & HR: One of the major considerations when putting together this volume was the safety of the contributors (as well as the editors!). As becomes evident in the research in this volume, one of the major challenges in studying sexuality in the MENA region is the safety (both personally and professionally) of both the researcher and the population being researched. One of our many goals in publishing this volume is that that concern will be lighter for future (and present) generations of researchers. Knowledge is power, and we hope that the knowledge contained in this volume will help to empower.

 

Excerpt from the book (from the introductory chapter, pages 3-17)

…We divided the volume into the three major parts: “Sexual Politics, Rights, and Movements”; “Gender and Sexual Minorities”; and “Sexual Health and Identity.” Within these broad categories, the chapters tackle the similarities and differences in the contemporary challenges that countries in the MENA region face in terms of sexualities, addressing such critical issues as sexual rights movements, Islam and homosexuality, sexual citizenship and homonationalism, sexual and reproductive health, and sexualities and the internet. The contributors come from a variety of disciplines, such as anthropology (Zeina Zaatari and Maryam Hisham Fouad), political science (Grant Walsh-Haines), geography (Gilly Hartal), sociology (Orna Sasson-Levy, Ana Cristina Marques, J. Michael Ryan, and Helen Rizzo), psychology (Rusi Jaspal), epidemiology (Ismaël Maatouk and Moubadda Assi), public health (Inas Abdelwahed), and law (Salma Talaat). Moreover, the chapters rely on diverse methods and methodologi­cal approaches, such as ethnography, including observations and in-depth interviews (chapters 1 and 3), reviews of social psychological studies based on surveys and interviews (chapters 4 and 7), and reviews of the relevant literature, statistics, and demographic data (chapters 2, 5, and 6) to base their conclusions on rich empirical evidence. Drawing from different dis­ciplines, methods, and methodologies enables this volume to provide a comprehensive overview of the important issues in sexuality studies in the MENA region now.

Part one focuses on sexual rights activism in the MENA region, which arguably did not begin to take formative political shape until the late 1990s and early 2000s. In chapter 1, Zeina Zaatari examines the sexual rights movement(s) occurring in the MENA region primarily through the actions and discourses of the movements’ activists and the social transformations they have engendered over the past twenty to thirty years. Zaatari argues that “there have been three waves of the [sexual rights movements] in the MENA region. The first wave of public engagement on sexual rights from the late 1990s to the early 2000s focused on personal freedoms and choices. The second wave in the 2000s took further steps to organize around sexual and gender diversity, with intersectional politics ground­ing itself politically in anti-imperialist and decolonial struggles. The third wave grew exponentially after the ‘Arab Spring’ and became more deeply entrenched in sexual-orientation and gender-identity (SOGI) discourses utilizing international frameworks and mechanisms.” Zaatari further ar­gues that “the more the origins of the [sexual rights movements] and their activists are grounded in ‘progressive’ (leftist and/or feminist) activism, the more the movements display intersectional politics and practices, but the more the actors are initiated through an internal process of discovery of their sexuality, the more likely the movements and actions will be insu­lar and focused on single-issue organizing, namely LGBTQIA+ identities.”

Chapter 2 focuses on the influence of the internet on sexualities in the MENA region. Middle Eastern internet users are heavily censored, with most states in the MENA region engaging in some form of inter­net surveillance, monitoring, or restriction. That said, the internet offers an increasingly available tool for personal and professional use in the region, including for issues related to sexuality, such as viewing porn, creating online profiles for hooking up, and participating in LGBTQ+ activism. Grant Walsh-Haines and Maryam Hisham Fouad argue that the internet activism in the Middle East “is one site of resistance against oppressive state structures and often goes hand in hand with dissemi­nating health and safety information.” Access to the internet, they show, is ultimately “a key mechanism for expressions of sexuality [and] must be conceptualized in the human rights and human capabilities debate,” essentially tackling the question of whether “access to the internet is a human right or should . . . be considered a mechanism for increasing human capabilities.”

In chapter 3, Gilly Hartal and Orna Sasson-Levy critically exam­ine the issues of sexual citizenship and homonationalism. Drawing on their extensive fieldwork in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, they offer critical observations with the power to inform broader discussions of sexual citi­zenship and homonationalism in the broader MENA region. Citing the portrayal of Tel Aviv “as the westernized, secular, and liberal economic center of Israel” versus Jerusalem “as a local city oriented toward a re­ligious and national past,” they highlight the nuanced politics and dis­tinct mechanisms by which sexual belonging is forged in each of these urban spaces. However, rather than drawing on an exclusive “West versus the Rest” or “global versus local” perspective, they show that both cities more critically “relate to their Middle Eastern location, albeit by merging East and West differently.” The thrust of their argument focuses on “the way sexual politics, nationalism, and neoliberal economics play distinct roles . . . in the contexts of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem” and “how homonation­alism and sexual citizenship interact in different urban spaces.”

In part two, the volume discusses the issues that gender and sexual minorities are facing in the MENA region. It begins with addressing the widespread perception that Islam is fundamentally opposed to homosex­uality, which can present social and psychological challenges to well-being among gay Muslims. In chapter 4, Rusi Jaspal “focuses on the relations between religion and sexuality—two facets of identity that are often inter­connected—among Muslim gay men.” He argues that Muslim gay men, given their awareness and acceptance of the negative social representa­tion of homosexuality, may experience threats to identity, self-esteem, be­longing, and psychological coherence as they struggle to reconcile their internalized homophobia with the reality that they cannot change their sexual orientation and “become straight.” Jaspal looks at some of the pos­sible challenges to the promotion of sexual health among Muslim gay men in light of these threats to identity. He concludes with a persuasive argu­ment that it is essential to engage with existing social representations of homosexuality and “to challenge [those] representations that potentially threaten the identities of Muslim gay men” for the development of “a more accepting and affirmative context in which Muslim gay men can construct their identities and take steps to enhance their sexual well-being.”

To complement Jaspal’s chapter, in chapter 5 Ana Cristina Marques, Salma Talaat, and J. Michael Ryan tackle problems faced by trans commu­nities in the MENA region. They begin their chapter by giving an overview of the legal, social, and cultural context of being trans in the region. They then problematize “the victimization of trans people in the MENA region as part of the ‘West/East’ opposition.” They conclude their chapter “by underscoring the importance of going beyond regional dichotomies that associate the ‘West’ with freedom and the ‘East’ with oppression; having a better understanding of the influence (or lack thereof) of local, national, and inter/transnational (post)colonial agendas on trans people’s rights and their actual experiences; and producing possible pluralities, spaces of resistances, and subterranean discourses . . . of trans people and issues in this region.”

The final section of the volume focuses on sexual health and identity. Sexual and reproductive health (SRH) is a crucial part of the health status of populations and a precondition for human development. In chapter 6, Inas Abdelwahed examines how these issues have become of critical im­portance in the MENA region, particularly since the International Con­ference on Population and Development in Cairo in 1994. “Despite the remarkable global progress toward improved SRH,” Abdelwahed argues, “there are still significant gaps between high-income countries (HICs) and low/middle-income countries (LMICs).” She also shows how humanitar­ian crises exacerbate inequities in access to SRH education and care across the MENA region. She pays particular attention to the ways SRH has been constructed, examined, and responded to in the cultural, social, and po­litical context of the MENA region by “focusing primarily on youth and sexuality, maternal health, [sexually transmitted infections], infertility, and men’s reproductive health.”

Rusi Jaspal, Ismaël Maatouk, and Moubadda Assi focus in chapter 7 on aspects of identity and health outcomes in sexual minorities in the Middle East and North Africa. First, they outline tenets of minority stress theory and identity process theory from social psychology. Second, they briefly explore the social, cultural, religious, and political aspects of coun­tries in the MENA region (in particular Lebanon). Third, they discuss their recent empirical research into sexual identity and mental health in sexual minorities in the MENA. Their research demonstrates that “sexual minorities in the region face multifaceted stressors, such as stigma on the basis of their sexual identity and internalized homonegativity,” which may result in threats to their mental health and coping abilities. They point out that “in the MENA region, religiosity and self-identification with religious (and ethnic) groups appear to constitute key sources of social support and thus reflect a prime coping strategy. Yet sexual minorities may have de­creased access to these support networks, potentially leading to a reliance on alternative, less adaptive forms of coping,” such as substance misuse and sexual risk-taking. “The implications for mental health and well-being may be significant,” they state. Through the lens of social psychological theory, these authors present a way forward for research and practice in enhancing social and psychological outcomes among sexual minorities in the MENA region.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.