Azza El-Hassan, The Afterlife of Palestinian Images: Visual Remains and the Archive of Disappearance (New Texts Out Now)

Azza El-Hassan, The Afterlife of Palestinian Images: Visual Remains and the Archive of Disappearance (New Texts Out Now)

Azza El-Hassan, The Afterlife of Palestinian Images: Visual Remains and the Archive of Disappearance (New Texts Out Now)

By : Azza El-Hassan

Azza El-Hassan, The Afterlife of Palestinian Images: Visual Remains and the Archive of Disappearance (Palgrave Studies in Arab Cinema, 2024).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Azza El-Hassan (AEH): The Afterlife of Palestinian Images is part of a series of acts I have engaged in since 2017, which together explore if something anew can emerge out of ruins. I am a filmmaker and also as a scholar, belonging to a culture and society whose photos, films, and media equipment are repeatedly subjected to destruction and looting; I wanted to see if the visual objects that do survive the violence can still be of use today—or whether the violence alters and changes them to such a degree that we are no longer able to relate to our own images. To do that, I first had to find photographs, films, and media equipment that have survived violence, and then tried to interact with them and put them to present use. I assembled; arranged and rearranged; created installations; restored films; exhibited films; curated an exhibition of visual remains of colonial plundering; and then appropriated these visual remains into a short film. The book is the final in this series of acts. It is the space where I narrate my journey and reflect on the process, in an attempt to make sense of loss and then find ways to a possible present and future.

There are still possibilities to recreate and reposition these objects and along with them we recreate and reposition ourselves within a new present Palestinian narrative.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

AEH: As I began working with photos, films, and media equipment that had survived violence I was told by many that I was performing media archology. The term troubled me as many of the images which do survive violence might not be objects of the past but are instead material of a plundered present. As such, in the book I negate the term “media archology” when dealing with visual remains of plunder and, in the process, I describe a methodology to approach these remains which I called “hands on visual remains”.

I also look at the “cultural reality” which the systematic looting of Palestinian visual archives creates—where Palestinian photos and films that become inaccessible to Palestinians are accessed and used by Israeli researchers and filmmakers. This means that many times Palestinians can only get to experience their own archives through narratives that have been constructed by Israeli filmmakers or academics using Palestinian archives. I discuss in the book how this affects Palestinians’ own knowledge of their visual own past and the impact of this on the creation of modern Palestinian visual narratives. 

Most of the material that I work with belonged once to the Palestine Film Institute, which was plundered during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982. In particular, I focus on objects that were made or used by Hani Jawherieh, a Palestinian photographer and cinematographer and one of the founders of the Palestine Film Institute. So Jawherieh’s personal and professional narrative comes across as I explore his objects. The narrative of the Palestine Film Institute also appears almost unintentionally in the book as the plunder of visual archives is retold. My personal and professional narrative is present too, especially because I use myself as a subject of work and I assess my own reactions and feelings as I handle visual remains of plunder. 

In my attempt to comprehend the nature of Palestinian images that have emerged out of violence today, I reach a realization that these images have been changed by the act of plunder and are no longer what their creators intended. They have been changed and, in the process, we too have been changed. However, both us and our objects remain able to connect. There are still possibilities to recreate and reposition these objects and along with them we recreate and reposition ourselves within a new present Palestinian narrative. 

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

AEH: The Afterlife of Palestinian Images is completely connected to my previous and present work and I dedicate a full chapter of the book to looking at my previous work and how each film I made somehow opened a path that eventually led me to this project. I have always, whether in film or in writing, attempted to make sense of being a subject of war, occupation, and colonial violence. The book does exactly that, just as my previous works, such as News Time (2001), The Place (2000), Kings & Extras (2004), and The Unbearable Presence of Asmahan (2014). 

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

AEH: I think the book is accessible to different kinds of readers. It could be read by someone who is not a specialist in the subject but also by film practitioners, researchers, and individuals who work on visual archives and the effects of settler colonialism on native communities and their construction of narratives.

In the book I discuss how a culture that has been subjected to visual archive plunder can relate to their own visual archives and I discuss the need for an ethical framework when handling these. I hope that the book will impact future uses of Palestinian visual archives and will encourage others to engage with them in an ethical manner.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

AEH: I have been working for years on a film which has been difficult to complete as it is about my mother who passed away some years ago. The reason it has been difficult to finish is not only because of the personal connection and my pain but also because I use this story of my mother to tell the story of Palestine and Palestinians from the ‘70s until today—and today has been difficult to comprehend with the daily attacks and killings in Gaza. Still, I am hoping that I can finish it in the coming months. I am also involved in several other writing projects. 

J: Is there a healing process involved in this work?

AEH: I have always considered myself lucky as I could find mediums, such as film, video, and writing, to articulate, rationalize, and handle the effects of living under occupation—a very personal as well as collective experience. As I began working with visual remains of plunder, and through writing, I became increasingly aware that a cathartic act was being performed, a healing process was apparent, and I was personally experiencing it. Yet, what I found most interesting—and as I discuss in the book—was the effect on other people, such as spectators and performers, of engaging and interacting with visual remains of plunder. For example, I observed some screenings of the restored films attended by the same person several times; when I questioned this, they noted that they felt some kind of power through watching what a military power had tried to destroy or loot and deny access to. Another example is when I asked the daughter of Hani Jawherieh to assemble her father’s 16mm camera, only to find that the process unlocked her own personal trauma of loss and not only that of a cameraman who was killed while filming.

 

Excerpt from the book (from Chapter 1, pages 2-5)

I once imagined that inside a film there was another film where victims win and their image is transformed. They would not resemble their oppressors and they would not do to others what had been done to them. Instead, they would tour the world and change it into a better place in which there are no more victims. 

Fig.1.1 Dream sequence, Kings and Extras, 2004Fig.1.2 Dream sequence, Kings and Extras, 2004

I could imagine and construct my own narrative, because the film that was being projected in front of me had no actual images. There were only shadows, sounds and fading colours that filled the screen. It was a film reel that had survived the Israeli plunder of the Palestine Cinema Institute in 1982, salvaged by Mosa Mosa, a cameraman who worked at the Institute, along with his 16mm camera. Although Mosa Mosa did his best to preserve the reel as he moved from one refugee camp to another, eventually settling in Damascus, humidity and heat ate away at the film until eventually its images degenerated and decayed. Twenty years later, after the violent event—that is, when the film reel was separated from the institute that had preserved it and from the archive it once belonged to—I was able to watch it in Syria. It offered me little connection to the past. Yet, the traces of the images it contained opened up a space in the present for me to imagine. I was able to create a fictionalized narrative about a possible future, which I used to construct my ending sequence in Kings and Extras (2004).

My encounter with the visual remains of plunder, and what emerged from it, have never left me: the possibility of creating something anew out of ruins. As a filmmaker, through the years, I would encounter more photos and films that have survived the violence and find that not all of them that crossed paths with the plunderers have decayed or degenerated. Some have remained intact; but even these images have been altered by the violence, becoming constant reminders of what has been lost and a fragment of what was. 

In this work, years after my encounter with the film reel in Damascus, I trace, find and put to use visual remains of plunder, that is, photos, films and recording equipment that continue to dwell in Palestinian spaces after looting and destruction. My aim is to understand what has become of these images, how violence changes visual objects, and how this process of change alters our relationship with our own images. I am interested in how a culture that experiences dispossession relates to its photos and films that have become remnants of plunder, and how violence affects society’s ability to connect with its own visual objects. I also search for new uses for these remains.

In A Dying Colonialism (1965), Frantz Fanon argued that the collision between the colonizer and the colonized produces a hybrid entity due to a coalescence of cultures and practices. For Fanon, hybridization means that returning to a precolonial state is impossible. Although I am not in the process of analysing whether a hybrid entity emerges due to plunder—a point of collision between the Israeli state and Palestinian society—I do want to understand what this collision does to Palestinian objects, Palestinian society and its individual members. 

In postcolonial theories and as part of a decolonization process, remains, that is home remains, as proposed by Homi Bhabha first in The World and the Home (1992) and later in The Location of Culture (2004), have become a central concept in understanding the colonized postcolonial state. Bhabha bases his argument on Fanon’s concept of collision, where “home remains” is a space of ambivalence to and with the home that emerges as a postcolonial condition after collision with the colonizer has occurred and ended; it is where what was once familiar becomes unfamiliar, estranged, unhomely and uncanny.

In this work, I approach photos and films that survive plunder in the same manner in which Bhabha approaches the home as a space. This is because, just as we inhabit our homes, our images inhabit our photos and films; and just as we accumulate memories and connect our past with the homes we grew up in, we accumulate memories within the space of a film reel or a video that we make, on photographic paper, or in a digital photo space. Still and moving images are objects that can help us connect our past with our present.

Bhabha uses “home remains” to describe a postcolonial condition, whereas Palestine and the Palestinians are not facing a linear narrative of colonization in which colonization ends and a postcolonial condition emerges. In settler colonialism, “invasion is a structure and not an event” (Wolf, 2006). This structure is designed to achieve what Strakosh and Macoun call “the vanishing endpoint,” when the settler society will have fully replaced the indigenous society on their land and naturalized this replacement (Strakosh and Macoun, 2012). The vanishing end point, according to Strakosh and Macoun, is continuously pursued until the moment of colonial completion.

In relation to Palestinian archives, including audiovisual archives, this vanishing endpoint is pursued through a repetitive and systematic looting and destruction of these archives. Every time a Palestinian institution with an archive is attacked and plundered, a new institution is founded by Palestinians to house and preserve what, if anything, remains of the previous archive. Yet often the newly established archive centre becomes the subject of another plunder. For example, the Palestine Cinema Institute, founded in the 1970s, which housed Palestinian photos and films created by Palestinian photographers and filmmakers after the loss of Palestinian visual archives in 1948, was itself plundered in 1982. That same year, the archive of Voice of the Palestinian Revolution radio station was ransacked. And in 1998, the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank founded the Voice of Palestine Radio station, which was later pillaged in 2003.

To plunder Palestinian archives, Israel has crossed borders and invaded countries: in 1982 it invaded Lebanon and looted the Palestine Research Centre archive, the Palestine Studies Centre archive, the Cultural Art Archive and, of course, the Palestine Cinema Institute archive. In 2001, following the Oslo agreement, which provided for later negotiations on the status of East Jerusalem—and which is still at the time of writing considered occupied territory by the United Nations—Israel attacked the Orient House and plundered its archive, which contained documents about the Palestinian presence in Jerusalem. In 2003, Palestinian-controlled areas of the West Bank were invaded, and the archives of Palestine TV, the Voice of Palestine and the Ministry of Culture were all ravaged. In 2017, Al Aqsa Mosque, which is in Jerusalem and under Jordanian control, had its library plundered. The library held rare manuscripts and books dating back 900 years. Most recently, during the Israeli onslaught on Gaza which began in 2023 and which has resulted in unprecedented numbers of civilian deaths, Gaza Municipal Library, which housed thousands of books and documents recording the city’s history and development, was reduced to rubble along with Rahad Al-Shawa Cultural Centre, which likewise housed valuable photos, films and books.

While the plunder of Palestinian institutions is usually recorded and documented, the looting and destruction of the private archives of individuals during invasions and bombings are not. For example, in 2003, my own library of film footage and audio recordings was destroyed during an Israeli incursion into Ramallah. I documented the destruction in Three cm Less (2003) and I am documenting it again now by writing about it, but this is rare and is entirely due to me being a filmmaker and a researcher. The destruction and abduction of Palestinian individual archives typically remain undocumented and unaccounted for.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.