Sana Murrani, Rupturing Architecture: Spatial Practices of Refuge in Response to War and Violence in Iraq, 2003–2023 (New Texts Out Now)

Sana Murrani, Rupturing Architecture: Spatial Practices of Refuge in Response to War and Violence in Iraq, 2003–2023 (New Texts Out Now)

Sana Murrani, Rupturing Architecture: Spatial Practices of Refuge in Response to War and Violence in Iraq, 2003–2023 (New Texts Out Now)

By : Sana Murrani

Sana Murrani, Rupturing Architecture: Spatial Practices of Refuge in Response to War and Violence in Iraq, 2003–2023 (Bloomsbury Visual Arts, 2024).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Sana Murrani (SM): The reason for writing this book is deeply rooted in my personal and professional journey as an architect from Baghdad who has lived experiences of trauma, war, and loss. Having grown up during the Iraq-Iran War and the subsequent multitudes of aggression and deprivation across the country until the aftermath of the 2003 US-led invasion, I have long been compelled to understand how people in different parts of the country navigate and cope with such adversities spatially. Witnessing the ways in which Iraqis create refuge and reinvent their environments amidst war and violence has profoundly inspired this work.

There is a scarcity of research on the region’s informal spatial practices of refuge, particularly in Iraq, which faces a wide spectrum of traumas and socio-political struggles. This book addresses that gap, giving voice and visibility to Iraqis while serving as a tribute to all Iraqis, both living and lost, over decades of ruptures and destruction. While it acknowledges the traumas and violence endured, it also highlights the ingenious ways people have responded creatively in their pursuit of refuge.

It proposes a dual articulation of rupture—both as an infliction of trauma and as a creative response through place-making.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

SM: The book addresses critical topics, centering on the spatial and temporal dimensions of architecture, trauma, memory, creativity, and imagination in the context of Iraq's recent history. It situates architecture as a discourse and practice that navigates the tensions between permanence and transience, particularly in a landscape scarred by decades of war and violence. The book examines how architecture, rather than being static, becomes a site of power, resistance, and trauma. It delves into the transformative years between 2003 and 2023, using creative storytelling and deep mapping techniques, along with interviews with Iraqis from across the country. The narratives are supported by specific case studies of buildings and sites where trauma has permanently altered their use, illustrating the evolving nature of cities and spaces amidst protracted violence.

The book argues that post-trauma reconstruction should not aim to restore cities to their pre-war state but must recognize the irreversible changes wrought by violence and the transformations experienced by both people and spaces. It creates spatial stories from fifteen interviews with Iraqis, spanning the 2003 US-led invasion; the sectarian violence between 2006 and 2008, atrocities committed by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), also known as Daesh, in 2014 against the Yazidi community in Sinjar (in the northwest of Iraq) and Mosul; the 2019 Tishreen Movement (also known as the October Movement; Tishreen is the Arabic word for October); the Covid-19 pandemic; and the manifestation of climate crises in Iraq, up to 2023. These narratives are visually mapped to highlight the resilience, creativity, and refuge-making practices of Iraqis, demonstrating how these practices serve as forms of resistance and emphasizing the complex dynamics of trauma, memory, and place-making after place-wounding.

Drawing on a feminist spatial practice lens, the book elaborates on Edward Said’s concept of a “struggle over geography” and Edward Soja’s “spatial justice” by proposing a manifesto of spatial justice with a view from Iraq. It proposes a dual articulation of rupture—both as an infliction of trauma and as a creative response through place-making. This duality is essential for understanding how refuge spaces emerge as sites of resistance and transformation. Methodologically, the book employs a creative deep mapping approach, using memory-work, storytelling, and autoethnography to create palimpsestic narratives that layer spatial, social, and political dimensions. This non-linear method captures the complex interplay between trauma and memory, presenting a multidimensional analysis of refuge-making practices in Iraq. You can view a visual archive of the deep maps created on this link

Through interdisciplinary literature from scholars of southern narratives’ expertise and particularly Iraqi and Middle Eastern scholars, the book positions architecture as a political and active practice that navigates scales of difference and justice. By expanding the definition of architecture beyond aesthetics and professional norms, it frames refuge as an ongoing, creative, and political process—a transformative response to the ruptures inflicted by war and violence.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

SM: I have always viewed architecture and its practice as a discourse engaged with constant change and transience in space, events, experiences, and time. This ongoing struggle with the field's inherent spatial fixity is central to my research, especially in the context of this book, where the destruction of homes, public buildings, neighbourhoods, cities, and livelihoods has scarred the geography of Iraq for decades, if not centuries. Since my time as a Master’s student at the University of Baghdad’s School of Architecture, just before the 2003 invasion, I developed a fascination with the instability of architecture and its relation to other fields of practice.

In my PhD thesis, completed in the United Kingdom, I experimented with architecture made using alternative materials—futuristic ones that allow for change and transience without scarring cities, creating a form of "making otherwise." Throughout my academic career, I have positioned myself as an unconventional architect, advocating for reuse and restoration rather than new construction. As you know, the building industry significantly contributes to climate change. I often tell my students, now studying architecture, that our profession forces us to "break in order to make." We have to chop trees, dig into the earth, and mix concrete to build. This "place-wounding" for the sake of "place-making" is part of the profession’s daily reality. Therefore, to create an alternative form of architecture, we must think and make otherwise.

This is why I have dedicated all my previous work to this book—finding the right tools, methods, and conceptual frameworks rooted in place and people's attachments to place-making to explore alternative ways of making architecture. I have worked closely with those displaced—refugees, people seeking asylum, and internally displaced persons—who have lost their sense of belonging and attachment to familiar places, helping them to find their place through participatory design practices and co-creation.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

SM: I envision this book reaching a diverse readership. Core disciplines such as architecture and design, particularly those invested in humanitarian and adaptive structures, as well as human geography, sociology, and politics, are primary audiences. Scholars interested in concepts of home, domesticity, urbanity, borders, war, and protective structures like shelter will find valuable insights. Beyond academia, I expect practicing architects, designers, humanitarian and development practitioners, and activists to engage with its content. Organizations like UN-Habitat, UNDP, and Architecture Sans Frontières, along with museums and cultural heritage institutions, could also benefit from the perspectives shared. To ensure broader reach, I have intentionally written the book in an accessible style, inviting a wider audience interested in the geo/spatial politics of Iraq’s recent history through people’s stories.

In terms of impact, the book seeks to advance the field of spatial justice within architecture, specifically in Iraq’s context, through empirical fieldwork and critical, reflexive, and performative practice that expand on post-war and conflict urban studies, proposing a socially rooted practice for developing structures of refuge, especially in post-war scenarios. The book also emphasizes the importance of seeing architecture otherwise, beyond fixed aesthetics, and affords new design possibilities that can anticipate and respond to future trauma. A justice-centered approach must integrate these refuge spaces into diverse forms of homing and more-than-inhabitation practices. In volatile and unstable geographies, a fixed perspective is insufficient; we require a framework of knowledge that, while fragmented and nonlinear, remains both performative and imaginative. Only then can we truly address the ever-shifting spatial needs of those navigating the aftermath of trauma.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

SM: Since completing the book, I have been working on a project with survivors of the Yazidi genocide perpetrated by ISIS in Iraq, creating a "ruptured atlas" that traces their odyssey of home, forced displacement, encampment, migration, and, for some, their return to Sinjar. As part of my recent appointment as a Visiting Senior Fellow at the LSE Middle East Centre, I have begun working on a project called Post-Colonial Geographies of Resistance: Mapping Spatial Justice in the Middle East. This project explores the political performativity and imagination embedded in mapping the Middle East, interrogating how Western cartographic practices historically divided the region and continue to shape contemporary geopolitical and cultural landscapes.

 

Excerpt from the book (from the Conclusion: A Manifesto for Structures of Refuge in Spatial Justice, pages 192 to 194)

This research illuminates the transformative potential of map-making, expanding its role from a tool of mere representation to one of knowledge production. It reveals the intricacy of the task of visually capturing the negotiated spatiality that is tethered to memory, imagination and trauma. Importantly, this research finds that the maps produced serve as vital platforms for both encapsulating and expressing the traumatic experiences of Iraqis. Laden with affective layers of identity, belonging and memory-work, these maps capture ephemeral meaning while also providing a dynamic account of trauma in the making – factors that emphasize the performativity of map-making as a practice (Della Dora 2009). The making of these maps functions as a potent practice into the lived experience of trauma, presenting a unique topological frame of knowledge around place-wounding. The study also uncovers the iterative technical composition of the maps, highlighting a profound empathy between diverse geographies across Iraq. This is further reflected in the amalgamation of collapsed geographies and microgeographies of memories and events across three performative scales: the conceptual, the material and the geospatial. As such, these maps serve various purposes: as a cathartic process, a visual documentation of stories at risk of fading from personal and collective memory, and as a method of practising the making of refuge spaces. These findings underscore the disruptive potential of map-making as a means of narrating trauma spatially. The research suggests the potential for a broader application of these methodologies into other critical geographies, contexts and disciplines.

In order to effectively narrate the trauma experienced by Iraqis and to engage with various intended audiences – academics, researchers, policymakers, the media and the general public – it was necessary to adopt many multifaceted modes of practice. These modes included interviews that were transcribed and translated, the thematic coding and analysis of the spatiality described, and the spatially layered moments of trauma that became the core of each map. Other creative forms of representation were also incorporated into the map-making process, such as trauma-focused pop-up books portraying the interviewees’ photographs, three-dimensional depictions of the spatiality of these traumas, and postcards. This creative, ‘palimpsestuous’ (Dillon 2007) approach facilitated the intricate layers of knowledge production through its performative role in the methodology of deep mapping. The reach of this palimpsest of trauma narratives was further extended through an online visual archive (Murrani 2023) as well as an exhibition at the LSE Middle East Centre. These platforms allowed for a diverse range of creative expressions, all offering different perspectives on the narration of spatial trauma. These varied expressions have opened up yet more pathways for this kind of work, including the promotion of self-perceived recovery from trauma and loss, enhancing quality of life through the arts and spatial practice, and improving access to equity and justice. Furthermore, they inform public and political debates that challenge established norms, ways of thinking and modes of practice. The multilayered approach used in this research not only showcases the power and potential of interdisciplinary methods in addressing complex social issues, but also directly contributes a new framework for knowledge-making as a spatial practice in the context of Iraq, culminating in a manifesto for structures of refuge in spatial justice.

Andrea Wright, Unruly Labor: A History of Oil in the Arabian Sea (New Texts Out Now)

Andrea Wright, Unruly Labor: A History of Oil in the Arabian Sea (Stanford University Press, 2024).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Andrea Wright (AW): Today, workers in the Arabian Peninsula are unable to form unions and to go on strike to change their working conditions. In the oil industry, most laborers come from South Asia and the Philippines. Building on my previous research on Indian labor migration to the Gulf, I wrote Unruly Labor because I wanted to understand what historic factors shaped restrictions on worker organizing and learn about how the contemporary racialized labor hierarchies of the Gulf came into being.

... it investigates the evacuation of politics from the oilfields and the formation of racialized labor hierarchies.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

AW: Unruly Labor is history of the oil industry in the Arabian Sea that centers the workers who built and maintained the industry. Looking at the 1930s through 1960s, each chapter of the book begins with strikes by both mobile and local workers and considers what factors impacted worker solidarities. Unruly Labor also examines how oil companies and governments responded to these strikes. This examination demonstrates how oil became increasingly connected to national security and how this connection between oil and national security negatively impacted workers’ ability to unionize and go on strike. 

Historically, scholars have attributed restrictions on worker organizing in the Arabian Peninsula to the continuation of pre-oil social relations, and scholars have also argued that oil wealth negatively impacts the development of democratic institutions. Recent scholarship has called into question assumptions about the “timeless and traditional” Gulf and critiqued the idea of the “resource curse.” One notable example is found in Timothy Mitchell’s book Carbon Democracy, where he discusses how the materiality of oil impacted political organizing. Unruly Labor joins in this conversation—it investigates the evacuation of politics from the oilfields and the formation of racialized labor hierarchies. It does so by analyzing the relationships among oil companies, workers, and local and imperial governments. Unruly Labor describes how workers shaped corporate management practices and governance as they went on strike and made economic and political demands. In turn, this book explores how the contours of worker actions were also shaped by oil company practices, including segregating workers based on their nationality. By situating oil production and labor movements in the contexts of both imperialism and decolonialization in the mid-twentieth century, we see the changing ways workers formed solidarities and the impact of social movements—including nationalism and anti-imperial struggles—on worker solidarities. Unruly Labor documents how new understandings of citizenship and rights worked in conjunction with discourses that connected oil to national security to limit the political possibilities of oil workers’ strikes.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

AW: My first book, Between Dreams and Ghosts, investigates contemporary Indian labor migration to oil projects on the Arabian Peninsula. It is based on my archival and ethnographic research on the experiences of Indian workers and the process of migration. While I was researching and writing Between Dreams and Ghosts, I became interested in what historic factors shaped contemporary labor regimes in the Gulf, and I began to conduct archival research to learn more. The results of this research are presented in Unruly Labor.

While Between Dreams and Ghosts and Unruly Labor examine different time periods and focus on different topics, there are multiple themes that connect the two books. Both books emphasize inter-regional connections, and they center the Arabian Sea as a dynamic, interconnected arena where ideas, people, and goods circulate. In addition, both argue that discussions of migration and oil production need to look beyond abstract models based on concepts like supply and demand or scarcity and surplus. Instead, these books consider the everyday experiences of individuals, and they historically and culturally situate these experiences. Both books’ attention to global processes and local relations allows us to better understand contemporary capitalism, including how corporate profits are created through the production of difference within the supply chain, how global inequalities are naturalized, and how local relations and values impact capitalism.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

AW: As I was writing this book, I wanted it to be of interest to scholars and also accessible to individuals who are not experts but who are interested in topics like global history, oil, the Middle East, and labor history. I hope readers will gain insight into the multiple groups—oil company managers, government officials, and workers—that actively shaped the oil industry and governance in the Arabian Sea. By considering the interactions among these groups over time, I hope it is clear that practices that are seen as unchanging or holdovers from the past—like the current treatment of workers—were actually constructed over time. I also hope readers will develop an appreciation for the struggles of workers globally by learning about the process by which workers in the Gulf were denied their rights to unionize or strike and how this was legitimated as governments and oil companies mobilized discourses of political and economic stability.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

AW: I am currently working on a couple of new projects that look at energy production, community organizing, and governance. One of these projects studies the global depoliticization of labor in the second half of the twentieth century and connects these changes in workers’ rights to the environmental degradation caused by the oil industry. It does so by examining how labor laws, environmental regulations, and human resources practices that were established in the United States were implemented globally. This global history analyzes worldwide trends in strikes and community organizing from the 1940s to the mid 1990s, and it puts these global trends into context using case studies from multiple countries, including Bahrain, Brazil, India, Indonesia, Iran, Mexico, Nigeria, Trinidad and Tobago, the United Kingdom, and the United States. 

I am also working on an ethnographic project about variations in green infrastructure development. Looking comparatively at green energy initiatives in the United States, India, and the Arabian Peninsula, this project considers how ethnonationalism and other factors shape the development and implementation of green energy projects. Focusing on “green” natural gas refineries, commercial-scale solar projects, and the responses of local communities to these projects, this research attends to how the unequal environmental and economic impacts of green energy are informed by racism, class inequalities, and nationalist narratives.

J: Why is citizenship so important for our understandings of labor and the oil industry?

AW: Citizenship played a critical role in determining the efficacy of workers’ strikes. First, from the 1940s to the 1960s, worker strikes increasingly fragmented along national lines. In part, this was driven by the pride felt by workers from newly independent countries, like India and Pakistan. It was also due to segregation by oil company managers based on workers’ nationalities. Another factor was that workers were usually better able to advocate for their rights when they appealed directly to their own government. For example, in the early 1950s, all of the Indian workers who were employed in the building British Petroleum’s refinery at Aden went on a hunger strike. During this strike, these workers appealed to the Indian government for support. In response, the Indian government temporarily halted the migration of Indians to work at the Aden refinery construction project. Such interventions made oil company managers keenly aware of the power of workers to appeal to their own governments and the disruptive potential of government interventions. One way that managers responded to this was by increasingly hiring stateless workers. In addition, in the mid-twentieth century, oil company executives and government officials actively campaigned for restrictive labor laws that favored employers, and they pushed for militarized responses to worker strikes and other disruptions to oil production. Unruly Labor demonstrates that as restrictive labor laws were implemented and strikes were increasingly responded to with police and military force, fewer locals were hired in the oil industry, particularly as laborers. Instead, oil companies hired foreign workers who had limited recourse to governmental support.

 

Excerpt from the book (from Chapter 5: Writing Labor Laws, pages 115 to 119)

In 1954, local workers at the Bahrain Petroleum Company (Bapco) refinery in Bahrain went on strike demanding their rights. According to Bapco managers, this strike was influenced by people from outside Bahrain and directed toward the government, not the company. A Bapco manager, Leigh Josephson, recalled the strike:

They got to the students, the younger group of people. Yes, there was a lot of unrest among the young people. They not only went on strike. . . . well, they never did go on strike against the company. They tried to, but they were not successful. They did a lot of damage in town—broke windows, set service stations on fire, set a bunch of our busses on fire at our bus depot. Just malicious. It was opposition—a group of young people. A lot of them were our trainees—our young student trainees that we had sent off to England for training and then coming back to Bahrain. All they would say is, “We want our rights!” That’s all I ever got out of them. 

Josephson described the strike as a violent outburst. He also reported that workers were organized and demanding rights, but he characterized these demands as nonsensical:

This group was so militant in the refinery, and they came marching up and tried to come through [the] hall in a group. I just went out and confronted them. I said, “What is your beef? Why?” “Well, we want our rights.” “Well, what rights do you want?” They wouldn’t tell me. They just wanted “our rights.” . . . In my view, they had no reason to complain about their rights. They were getting a free education. I told these boys, “We’re paying for your education; the government gives you free hospital, free schools; you don’t have to pay any taxes. What more do you want? You’re being treated very well.” I couldn’t get them to agree, so I just alerted our security to bring in the government security people. They were still pretty radical, so the local security came in, plus our security, and just loaded them on the busses and sent them home.

Josephson reported that he told the striking workers to come back to work when they were “ready to talk sense.” The strike then continued for several weeks, and according to another Bapco manager, the strikes ended after the population felt “suffering from lack of wages as well as of gasoline and kerosene.” Following the strike, about 50 percent of the employees were rehired. 

Josephson’s and other Bapco managers’ engagement with this strike in 1954 illuminates three themes that emerge around worker strikes in the Arabian Peninsula in the 1950s and the response of oil companies and governments to these strikes. First, Bapco managers identified the leaders of strikes as young men who oil companies had sent to England for additional education. This resonates with descriptions of strike leaders at other oil projects in the early 1950s. For example, in 1953, Arabian-American Oil Company (Aramco) managers noted that the leaders of a large strike were workers that the company had sent to the United States or Lebanon for training. Second, managers characterized workers’ call for rights as misguided or incomprehensible. As managers described their response, they pointed to benefits such as free education or hospitals. This response depoliticized the claims made by striking workers—managers interpreted workers’ claims to be about personal benefits and ignored workers’ claims for political or workplace changes. Such responses also articulate a paternalism that was often used by managers in regard to calls for self-determination or development. Third, managers used local security forces to end the strike after attempts to “talk sense” failed. This militarized response reflects the potential dangers strikes posed to the local government, the British administration, and oil companies and draws attention to how local governments, the British administration, and oil companies collaborated to end strikes.

The 1954 strike described by Josephson was just one of multiple large strikes that occurred in Bahrain between 1954 and 1956. At that time, nationalism, along with anti-imperialism and pan-Arab movements, mobilized large numbers of Bahrainis, including those employed in the oil industry. In addition, the magazine Sawt al-Bahrain (Voice of Bahrain) spread an anti-colonial message, criticized Bapco, and argued for better working conditions for workers at the oil refinery. 

The strikes that occurred in Bahrain from 1954 to 1956 built upon unrest that occurred during Moharram in 1953 and the subsequent formation of the High Executive Committee, later renamed the National Union Committee. The committee drew upon pan-Arab nationalism, religious rituals, anti-imperial sentiments, class inequalities, antagonism with non-khalijis, and solidarity with Palestine. The committee’s popularity was seen to be a response to dissatisfaction with increasing government control over commerce, increasing numbers of migrant workers in Bahrain, and that Bahrain was experiencing a slower pace of development than in Kuwait and locals were being promoted a slower rate than in Saudi Arabia. The success of the movement was seen in its ability to bridge sectarian and class divisions within Bahrain. The resulting organization, the General Trade Union, was able to attract thousands of members in its first few months. 

Low-levels of worker unrest continued in Bahrain, and in late 1956, there was a large strike. Bapco managers described this strike as indicative of an emerging nationalism and characterized the strike as the “first serious friction” between Bapco and its employees. Particularly influential at that time was Egypt’s nationalization of the Suez Canal Company on July 26, 1956. People living and working on the Arabian Peninsula, including Indian and Pakistani workers, participated in demonstrations in support of Egypt. After Israeli, British, and French forces invaded Egypt in late October and early November 1956, these demonstrations intensified—there were calls to boycott English companies, worker strikes, and sabotage at oil projects. During these strikes, popular sentiment was believed to be with Egypt, and massive public support limited the local governments’ ability to respond. Finally, British troops entered Manama in November 1956, the committee was disbanded, and its leaders were jailed. 

In the 1950s, worker actions were shaped by historic labor relations at oil companies, anti-colonial discourse, and pan-Arab nationalism. As pan-Arab nationalism gained strength and facilitated some worker solidarities, other workers, particularly non-Arab workers, were decreasingly likely to participate in broad-based worker actions. As the Bahraini government, British government, and oil companies tried to mitigate the impact of worker strikes, they wrote labor laws that limited workers’ rights and supported the rights of employers. These labor laws, implemented in 1958, differentiated citizens from noncitizens and drew heavily from restrictive labor laws written in the United States. As British government officials, oil company managers, local government officials, and labor leaders drafted and discussed these laws, the process overcame tensions and coordinated the interests of these groups. These laws discouraged strikes and made collective worker action challenging. In doing so, they disallowed tactics that workers could use to change to working, living, and political conditions, and they provided a rationalization for local police forces and imperial militaries to respond with violence to strikes.

Labor Relations at Bapco and Unrest in Bahrain

In the High Executive Committee’s publications and pamphlets, they outlined a number of key issues that resonated widely in Bahrain. Many of these issues were long standing, and they centered on labor relations at Bapco and pan-Arab nationalism. These issues were informed by anti-colonial sentiments, with both American-owned Bapco and the British administration based in Bahrain described negatively as colonizers. To understand a broader context for the strikes that occurred from 1954 to 1956, this section will explore labor relations at Bapco in the 1940s and 1950s, and the following section will look at pan-Arab nationalism.

Questions over the number of Bahrainis employed in the oil industry and the position that these workers held were key issues since the beginning of oil production in Bahrain, and they continued to be issues in the mid-1950s. After assuming the throne in 1942 following the death of his father, the ruler of Bahrain, Sheikh Salman bin Hamad al Khalifa, strove to increase the number of Bahrainis employed by Bapco. This was challenging, however, because most Bahrainis worked as laborers, and large numbers of laborers were not consistently needed by the company. As a result, many Bahrainis were hired as laborers when Bapco was undergoing construction projects, but they lost their jobs once construction projects were complete and they were no longer needed. One example of this is when, in January 1945, Bapco was preparing to slow its construction phase, and the company expected to “set free” 4,500 laborers over the coming six months. When new construction began, however, many of these same workers were rehired. Due to the pace of construction projects, from 1940 to 1950, the overall number of Bahrainis employed by Bapco appears relatively stable, but workers experienced little job stability. At the same time, the number of foreign workers increased.