Eyewitness Portland

Photography by author (27 July 2020). Photography by author (27 July 2020).

Eyewitness Portland

By : Arun Gupta

In Portland, a month-long anti-racism protest has transformed into a mainstream rebellion. More than five thousand people take to the streets some nights to fight Trump’s secret police. They say they are there to protest foremost in support of Black Lives Matter and against racist police violence. They are also protesting for basic First Amendment freedoms, such as the right to protest, under assault by the feds. To counter the state violence being used against them—tear gas, flash-bang grenades, rubber bullets, and clubs, many come to the demonstrations outfitted with gas masks, helmets, body armor, and cameras. Some bring tools and equipment to turn the tables, like hockey sticks to send tear gas canisters back where they came from and bolt cutters to create openings in the metal fences erected to keep protestors away from the feds who are firing on them.

It would be overblown to call this a war—“there are less guns and no dead bodies here,” one war correspondent reporting from Portland says. But only the rhetoric of a “war zone” can describe what is happening around a besieged federal courthouse in downtown. On one side are 200 or more federal forces. This includes 114 members of BORTAC, a Border Patrol unit that models itself on the Navy Seals, sees opponents as “enemy combatants,” and is described as “the most violent and racist” agency in all of law enforcement. The forces were dispatched by Trump in late June as a ploy to generate “viral content” that he could exploit for campaign ads to motivate his base to rescue his flailing presidency. 

Photo by author.

On the other side, led by Black Lives Matter organizers, are a variety of constituencies: "Momtifa"—mothers who link arms and form lines to protect protestors, the Wall of Vets, brigades of dads often armed with leaf blowers to blow back thick clouds of tear gas, Teachers against Tyranny, doctors, lawyers, and an army of youth. Around the courthouse, the front ranks work on dismantling the fence. Provisions of the First Amendment and images of pigs in police hats are projected across the 16-story building which is capped by outcropping with a semicircle walkway that makes it look like an enormous gun turret. Down below, commands are yelled out: "We need lasers up top," and a dozen green lights dance across windows to try to force away Department of Homeland Security spotters calling out targets. As people cut steel bolts securing the fence, a column of black-clad defenders push to the front with wood and plastic shields to protect their bodies while others lean over with umbrellas to block cameras. Someone had the idea to spray globs of insulation foam that turns solid across the steel fence at head and torso level to stop these secret police from firing munitions directly at people.

The militarized feds toss flash-bang grenades and tear-gas canisters over the fence. Kids with heat-resistant gloves toss them back. Fireworks begin to boom every few seconds under the concrete awning, lighting up the toxic gasses in primary colors. They illuminate a dozen secret police massed in the smoke where the nightly battles rage. 

The fence comes down. Dozens crouch behind shields, grenades exploding. Leaf blowers funnel tear gas back at the cops. Reporters group together, hoping “PRESS” spelled out on their helmets and ballistic vests provide protection where the city won’t and the courts can’t. A DJ plays Ludacris’s “Move Bitch Get Out Da Way!” One person shimmies, undulating their arms. A woman crouches on the front edge of the park, one of the foolhardy brave protected only by a thin-blue surgical mask. She gags. Tears and snot glaze her face. No one pays her attention. She is young and fit enough to recover quickly. 

Photo by author.

A voice at the front yells, “Medic!” Other medics circulate through the crowd, washing eyes and faces to relieve the chemical weapons and evacuating those more seriously hurt. The odors of tear gas, firework smoke, barbecue, and cleaning fluid mingle in the air. A dozen people are still lined up hoping to get a taste of ribs or chicken from a food tent in the park dishing out meals before the full assault is unleashed.  

The feds start to fire projectiles that punch through the air, trailing sparks. A local filmmaker records one coming straight at him. It smashes the boom mic on his camera. He says if it wasn't for that, the munition would have hit him in the eye, blinding him or possibly killing him.  

Those left in the front ranks all have respirators, gas masks, helmets, and are fully clothed on a warm summer night. The feds shoot munitions in an arc above head level. The projectiles go screaming into the crowd. People chant, "Feds go home." It’s a demand as simple and as unifying as Tahrir Square’s, “The people want the fall of the regime.” 

I crouch by the side of an oak tree, hoping to stay safe as I post videos and descriptions on social media. OC pepper balls (oleoresin capsicum) hit the tree, stinging my hand a dozen times. Something slams into my shoulder like a hammer. I am hit.

I retreat. I walk backwards because I realize that keeping an eye on the munitions along with the NATO-compliant gas mask on my face will keep me safer than exposing my back. A block away a line of medics greet everyone by waving bottles of saline wash to treat tear gas exposure. A woman is rushed past by two friends, her eyes closed in agony, mouth open, limbs splaying like a rag doll. 

Photo by author.

The feds intensify their attack. Explosions, smoke, and “pop-pop-pop” sounds of pepper-ball guns are on all sides. The retreat is chaotic but no one runs. People chant, “Stay together, stay tight, we do this every night.” Then the Portland police joins the fray in close coordination with the feds despite that the City Council banned them from cooperating. The Portland police, like many other law enforcement agencies, ignore civilian authority. 

The attack goes much further than the few blocks more than what has become typical every night. After six blocks, a line of Portland cops bull-rush the crowd, beating and arresting anyone they catch. Videos show feds arresting people with little protection in thick clouds of tear gas. A day later a video shows a protester being held down in a thick cloud of tear gas and protection ripped from their face.

I leave, jumpy about cops prowling to scoop up stragglers. At home, after stripping off tear-gas doused clothing and trying to wash the chemical weapons off my body, I watch videos of a few dozen people filtering back to the courthouse for another confrontation.

Thousands of Portlanders are openly rebelling against the government. It cuts across classes, from homeless youth and drifters to lawyers, nurses, and architects to line cooks, teachers, and teamsters. There is little criticism about the mix of tactics that includes lobbing water bottles or fireworks at the feds. When peaceful protesters are being shot in the head, reporters are being shot in the face and head by an invading force, everyone shrugs off or cheers a few return punches. At the same, the resistance is overwhelmingly nonviolent. 

Photo by author.

People from other states are coming to Portland to participate in the protests. There is a sense that Trump's fascistic moves need to be defeated by a mass outpouring. The crowd is extraordinarily courageous. It also lacks discipline and strategy.

It has been evident since Trump took office more than three years ago that his strategy was to divide society against itself and bring the “war on terror” home. His administration is creating enemies and terrorizing them with military force. It began in Portland and similar shows of force are reportedly going to be meted on Cleveland, Detroit, and Milwaukee.

Although a growing majority of citizens want Trump to be defeated in the upcoming election, those participating in the Portland protests are not talking about November. The political struggle is in the streets and it is happening now. On the national level, the politics surrounding the election are intensely fraught. Will mail-in ballots will be permitted and will all votes be counted? Will the tally add up to Trump being defeated, and will he accept those results and leave office? For those on the front lines of the massive fierce nonviolent resistance, seeing what the feds are doing today makes those hopes for a free and fair election seem wishful. 

People are protesting because waiting is not an option.

  • ALSO BY THIS AUTHOR

    • Quick Thoughts: Arun Gupta on Portland, US Authoritarianism, and Progressive Social Movements

      Quick Thoughts: Arun Gupta on Portland, US Authoritarianism, and Progressive Social Movements

      In late June 2020 the Trump administration deployed federal troops to Portland, Oregon, claiming it needed to restore order to a city riven by chaos and violence. The deployment in fact led to a sharp increase in violence, overwhelmingly by the federal forces themselves, as well as the use of police tactics common in authoritarian states. The forces’ conduct produced increasingly widespread resistance, and they were eventually withdrawn in late July. Mouin Rabbani, editor of Quick Thoughts and Jadaliyya Co-Editor, interviewed Arun Gupta, an investigative reporter currently in Portland and who has been covering US social movement of the left and right for more than two decades, to get a sense of events as they unfolded on the ground and their broader political context and implications

Imagining Tahrir

I.

Egyptians saw themselves for the first time through their own eyes in Cairo’s Tahrir Square in January and February 2011, and reveled in that encounter. Participating in and recording that experience was to become part of the consciousness of a community that was ready to move heaven and earth to restructure Egyptian society for the better.

The consciousness was individual in that it established one person’s experience among the crowd, it was moral because recording everything became imperative for a community working so hard to sustain itself and build a new society. And it was collective. No one refused to be in a photograph or a video before the “Battle of the Camel” on 2 February brought infiltrators and thus suspicion into Tahrir. People often sought out the cameras because we felt – as the Salah Jaheen/Abdul Halim song declared every day – that we were part of the same picture, that divisions within Egyptian society mattered less than the ties that bound people together in that community. (To photograph on the streets of Cairo like this before 28 January would have met with a hostile response). That collective consciousness also asserted itself through the internet as individuals and the groups they formed then and there uploaded material to show the world the who, what, why and how of Tahrir, and to motivate fellow Egyptians to come down and join them.

The consciousness of Tahrir intertwined with image, sound and word in a cathartic expression of dizzying proportions. Uneven in focus, low-resolution, super-fast, choppy, and artless to the extreme, ranging from the mundane to the heroic: in that stream-of-consciousness material a powerful sense of wonder and discovery and of being there emerges.

The amount of recorded data is so enormous that all attempts to gather and organize it have failed. This material comes from innumerable and rival sources – for everyone who owned a mobile phone used it to record something of those first eighteen days. In this material – scattered throughout the four corners of the country – lies the collective memory of the revolution.

II.

The center of world events for a short time, Tahrir also captured center stage in the international media. Photographers, journalists and camera crews parachuted in from everywhere. The televised revolution these professionals produced was telegenic. It consisted of 1) a simplified, visually coherent story of easily recognizable good guys and bad guys, 2) courageous, attractive, industrious, and well-spoken protestors, 3) violence turned into spectacle (fighting and bloodshed without any of the pain), and 4) correspondents who take risks to bring you the news. The revolution had a neat beginning and a neat end. End of story. Everyone goes home, except for the locals who are still living through the fallout.

The professional photographers were conspicuous in Tahrir because they usually carried the largest, most sophisticated cameras, and often more than one. They produced those hi-res, sharp, colorful, stop-action images that the world saw almost immediately. They worked hard to play substitute for our eyes.

They came from everywhere. They competed intensely to get the most exciting shots. They sought the best vantage points from above, or from within the action, and they took risks that some demonstrators would not. I met an articulate freelance photographer from Japan who knew nothing about Egypt but knew that Tahrir would get him published. A French camera crew that had just arrived wanted to photograph and interview those bloggers who had already appeared in the French media. They did not have time to look around and explore. Most revealing was that so many of the photographers I met already had a good sense of the photos they hoped to make – as if they were working from a prepared visual script: as if the unfolding of the actual events was secondary. Almost none of them spoke Arabic.

These photojournalists could very well have cared about the protestors and the future of Egypt. The point is entirely irrelevant to their raison d’etre and modus operandi. They are the foot soldiers of the mainstream media – an international system of visual management. News is a bureaucratic process in which the photographer provides raw material for the finished product – a visual façade that shows us day in and day out that the only drama in life stems from the dramatic: revolution, war, famine, natural and man-made disasters, spectacular discoveries and incredible athletic feats.

Technological developments have taken our eyes to the heavens, the depths of the oceans, the heart of matter, and the infra-red and ultra-violet spectra. Even to that oxymoron, night vision. We even see through disembodied cameras. We see more, but less introspectively. We are rarely able to see beyond the precisely controlled façade that surrounds us. The façade has convinced us, through the realism of photographic images, that they are a shortcut to the truth -- and that there is nothing else worth seeing.

III.

Late evening, 28 January 2011, the southern border of Tahrir along the Mugamma: The fighting here continued long into the night, long after I had any energy to give. I did not photograph the clashes, the courage, recklessness and restraint of the demonstrators, the injured and the suffocating. I did not know what I could do with a camera: not yet, perhaps not ever, certainly not during. When I sat down to rest, it dawned on me that my first photos would focus on this Interior Ministry stronghold and hub of bureaucratic coercion. I had been harassed and warned umpteen times by hardcore security personnel that photography was prohibited here – even though I never considered it – over the last twenty years. This would become my very personal revolt in the wider revolution.

In fact, I have been photographing the revolution for twenty years. The daily struggle of the average Egyptian has underpinned my portraiture. Bread! Freedom! Social Justice! The main slogan of the revolution is at the center of that struggle. My portraits in Tahrir are the tip of an iceberg. In them you will not find outright references to political protest precisely because the long revolution unfolds at a pace and in forms that the media are unable to recognize or represent.

My photography suggests (and the revolution confirms) that the Egypt we have been presented with is a preconceived projection – whether in the nineteenth-century photography of Maxime du Camp, through today’s (state-controlled or international) media, or the tourism industry. Photographs merely added an aura of truth to that illusion.

I photograph in order to see for myself, to try to see through the façade, and thus to deepen my own understanding of the world. I rarely leave Egypt to do this because discoveries are just around the corner – if you look carefully, if you elicit photos rather than produce them, if you are willing to interact instead of just observe, and if you are willing to seek and tease out rhythms in life that do not appear as soon as you show up with a camera. My work suggests that there is plenty of drama in daily life, that photographs can depict human encounters based on solidarity, and that they can plumb more than the immediate moment.

Photographing in Tahrir Square was a new challenge. Time compressed and things happened too fast, but since everyone was using a camera, no one was about to arrest me for photographing the Mugamma. With the withdrawal of the security apparatus and the establishment of a community, the taboo against photographing strangers (and anything other than a glossy touristic scene) evaporated and hostility toward photographers disappeared for a while. People were coming toward me for once, people who once would have regarded me with initial suspicion. No matter from what walk of life, Egyptians were proud and wanted to record their newly discovered sense of citizenship. Young men – Egypt’s greatest abandoned human resource – found self-respect not based on swagger and bravado, but on their willingness to protect the square at the cost of their lives. In turn they earned the respect and gratitude of everyone in Tahrir. But all in all, it took me too long to make sense of these changes - I had internalized the taboos, especially that of photographing unrelated women.

The future is collaboration. Across culture, social class, and gender. We all see the Arab world – including most of us who live here – through the occupied territories that the media have made of our eyes. Only together, through an expanded sense of ourselves, by exploring the world that we are all complicit in making and by acknowledging the pain we have caused others, can we create a better world. That was the promise of Tahrir for eighteen amazing days.