Maurice Ebileeni, Being There, Being Here: Palestinian Writings in the World (New Texts Out Now)

Maurice Ebileeni, Being There, Being Here: Palestinian Writings in the World (New Texts Out Now)

Maurice Ebileeni, Being There, Being Here: Palestinian Writings in the World (New Texts Out Now)

By : Maurice Ebileeni

Maurice Ebileeni, Being There, Being Here: Palestinian Writings in the World (Syracuse University Press, 2022).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Maurice Ebileeni (ME): To put it in very simple terms, I wanted to make room in the Palestinian story for people like myself. I am definitively Palestinian in the sense that both of my parents come from the Galilean Palestinian village of Tarshiha—now part of Israel. Today, I live in Tarshiha with my wife and children. I speak, albeit a bit accented, a Palestinian dialect of Arabic. However, in some ways I am also a newcomer insofar as I was born and raised in Copenhagen and only settled down in Tarshiha as a young adult. I have always found it easier to speak and read in Danish. My cultural tastes are still relatively Scandinavian. And I am still very connected to my former homeland.

I cannot claim that I would qualify for citizenship in the Palestinian nation as my story and my cultural make-up does not exactly fit conventional notions of what we would associate with what it means to be Palestinian. My identity is not shaped by the refugee experience or the occupation. Growing up in Copenhagen was not defined as exilic or diasporic. Completely ignorant of the ongoing public discussions about defining “Danishness” and the general notion that “brown skin” could never become genuinely Danish, I just thought of myself as a Dane—a Dane with Arab parents. 

It was only at an advanced stage in my graduate studies, by then already living in Israel, that I began to view my identity through conceptual frameworks that would make sense. Names of writers such as Yahya Hassan (Denmark), Susan Muaddi Darraj (United States), Lina Meruane (Chile), and Sayed Kashua (Israel) would pop up on my screen while I was deeply immersed in writing my doctoral dissertation on Joseph Conrad, William Faulkner, and psychoanalysis. I started to realize that there were people out in the world—both “there” and “here”—who were just as (un)qualified for Palestinian citizenship as I was.

This revelation led to more searches and more discoveries of Palestinian writers and artists from across the world whose experiences and works could not easily be boxed into conventional narratives of Palestine—conventional narratives that were largely conceived in Arabic. In writing this book, I wanted to address this lacuna. I wanted to show that in order to fully understand the proliferations of the Palestinian experience, we would need to look beyond the local and beyond the Arabic language.

... as a result of decades of displacement, the Palestinian story has—within distinct lingual and social environments—proliferated in multiple directions ...

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

ME: It primarily focuses on how the writing about Palestine in different languages has led to different imaginings of a homeland. Different generations writing about Palestine in different languages from different locations have created a matrix of very different versions of a homeland which do not necessarily correspond with one another. 

Being There, Being Here also addresses the historical trajectories that have led to the creation of today’s diverse Palestinian communities both locally and globally. It looks into how the identities of these communities have been shaped by the circumstances of these trajectories as well as by the current social and political conditions in which they exist. To understand what the Palestinian text talks about in English, Danish, Hebrew, Spanish, or Arabic, we need to first understand the histories and the present circumstances of the cultural environments in which these texts are being conceived.

For example, the status of Palestinian authors in Israel differs from that of their counterparts in Europe and the Americas. They are a special case in that they do not belong to a migrant community, but to the country’s indigenous Arab population. They have citizenship under Israeli law. However, while enduring the perils of relative cultural and geographic isolation from their Palestinian counterparts “outside” Israel, they are also generally viewed as culturally and nationally inferior by the country’s Jewish majority. Similarly, Anglophone Palestinian writings are inseparable from the instrumental role played by the British (territorial) empire and the US-led (non-territorial) powers—respectively since the mid-eighteenth century and World War II—in shaping the history as well as the current conditions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, according to longstanding Orientalist discourses. 

In comparison, writings from Latin America differ yet again from their counterparts in Europe and North America. The majority of Palestinian communities in Latin America were founded as a result of the waves of Arab emigration from Palestine between 1870 and 1930. Migrants were predominantly Christian merchants from the Bethlehem region, Jerusalem, Taybeh, and Ramallah who wished to escape the Ottoman rule. Today’s descendants of these migration waves generally belong to middle- and upper-social classes and are well-represented among political and business elites (representing, for once, a “successful” Palestinian story). Consequently, they do not easily fit into the national narrative shaped by experiences of exile in the Arab world, dispossession, and life under the Israeli military occupation. Furthermore, whereas Palestinian writers residing in Europe and the Americas may generally be defined as exiles or émigrés, they basically belong to historically different waves of migration. Europe and North America variedly host exiles who have escaped either the perils of Israeli occupation or the dire conditions of refugee camps in Arab countries. 

Lastly, the narratives of recent Danish texts—such as the late Yahya Hassan’s two self-titled poetry collections Yahya Hassan (2013) and Yahya Hassan 2 (2019), Ahmad Mahmoud’s Sort Land: Fortællinger fra Ghettoen (“Black Country: Stories from the Ghetto,” 2015), and Abdel Aziz Mahmoud’s Hvor Taler Du Flot Dansk (“How Wonderfully You Speak Danish,” 2016)—cannot be separated from contemporary public discussions on the problems of immigration, assimilation, and the “parallel societies” evolving in certain “ethnic” neighborhoods such as Nørrebro in Copenhagen, Vollsmose near Odense, and Gellerrup at the heart of Århus. My point is that as a result of decades of displacement, the Palestinian story has—within distinct lingual and social environments—proliferated in multiple directions and, as a result, has been compelled to grapple with different cultural and political conditions.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work? 

ME: I would say that the key concept which connects my first book, Conrad, Faulkner, and the Problem of Nonsense,and Being There, Being Here is displacement. 

In hindsight, I think my initial attraction to modernist literature was based in seeing authors such as Conrad, James Joyce, Virginia Woolf, and Faulkner as being—to borrow Edward Said’s famous term—“out of place”: Conrad, a Polish immigrant, who decided to write in English; Joyce, a self-exiled Irishman, whose imagination really never left Dublin; Woolf, a late Victorian woman, who wanted to bend the laws of physics for writing to talk about gender; and Faulkner, a citizen of the defeated south (the wrong America), who with the power of words transformed the southern tragedy into beautiful and disturbing art. 

Modernist experimentation could only have happened in these deterritorialized terrains, outside the mainstream. These writers did not only want to write stories, but to change how we write stories for the purpose of saying something different. This, I believe, connects to Palestinian literature in that this literature is created by people whose homeland was planned to be wiped off the map. Palestinians write—and have always written—from positions of deterritorialization. The Palestinian text carries with it legacies of historical foreign rules; it is today created under occupation, in refugee camps, under siege, in the various diasporas, and it even holds Israeli citizenship. Historically, the world has yet to witness the birth of a Palestinian text conceived by a Palestinian writer in a free and independent Palestine. In short, the Palestinian text is a creature of displacement, similar to the modernist text in its early phases. 

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

ME: First of all, I, of course, hope that everyone interested in diaspora and immigration studies, postcolonial and globalization theory, as well as Palestine and Israel studies will read Being There, Being Here. However, I also hope it will reach audiences outside academia, particularly Palestinian audiences and activists. 

Second, Being There, Being Here is written in English, but I will be searching for ways to translate it into Arabic and also Hebrew. I think it is particularly urgent that readers of Arabic become aware of the Palestinian communities outside the Arab world and expand the discussion about Palestine beyond the occupation. One of the main aims of my book is to show that the so-called “two-state solution” did not really offer any form of solution to the majority of the existing Palestinian communities. Refugees were erased from the equation; Palestinians in Israel were left to grapple with an impossible Israeli reality; Palestinians in the various diasporas—both in Arab nations and abroad—were prevented from officially claiming a homeland in what was supposed to become Palestine, and so forth. The Oslo agreements only proposed an experimental framework for how to continue controlling the lives of Palestinians living inside Israel-Palestine while preserving the illusion of normalcy for the Israeli population, and yet it seems today that the question of Palestine has exclusively come down to the issue of the occupation. I hope that Being There, Being Here, in focusing on all Palestinian communities across the world and their different histories, will present a comprehensive snapshot of the Palestinian situation in its multiple segments.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

ME: At the moment, I am working on an article on Palestinian futurism. But I am becoming increasingly interested in how we are learning about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through social media, streaming services, and search engines. It seems that today’s algorithmic reality has generated a new form of subjectivity with specific physiological and cognitive features through which we learn about and engage with politics and knowledge in general. Our online selves constantly “comment,” “like,” “react,” or “share” in relation to the constant inflow of information and I think these recently acquired “skills” are shaping how we grapple with political questions such as the Palestinian question. It is still very early to formulate anything substantial about this project; I can only say with certainty that I am interested in how Palestine is behaving in the digital conditions set by the very sophisticated algorithms running our lives.

 

Excerpt from the book (from the Preface, pp. xi – xiii) 

In 1868, the unknown “nine years old or thereabouts” Konrad Korzeniowski “while looking at a map of Africa of the time,” put his finger on “the blank space then representing the unresolved mystery of the continent” and promised himself “when I grow up, I shall go there!” It seems now to be common knowledge in literary circles that many years later, Korzeniowski’s adult alter ego Joseph Conrad immortalizes this call in Heart of Darkness (1902) through the fictional Charlie Marlow before he engages on his journey to the Congo and confronts the “dangers” of the continent. I am beginning with this reference to Conrad because while writing Being There, Being Here, Marlow’s words resonated to me in Erez Kreisler’s (former head of the Misgav Regional Council in the north of Israel) descriptions of the Galilee in a recent Ha’aretz article about the monitoring of Israeli housing regulations to maintain a dividing line between the area’s Jewish and Arab inhabitants. Kreisler, who claims to be “in favor of life together, but on the basis of some sort of structure and framework,” explains that he arrived in the Galilee in 1989 when “the image of the Galilee was that of an enfeebled, wretched, even dangerous region.” With these few words, Kreisler transformed the birthplace of my parents, my wife, and my three children into — to put it in Conradian terms — “one of those dark places on earth,” and severely inflamed my awareness of my status as a “person of color.” 

It is not to claim that I had not stood face to face with my “otherness” before. Nonetheless, for many years, the repercussions of those encounters were remarkably faint. Born and raised in Copenhagen by Arab immigrants, my “color” was a constant mark of distinction, but it was still the 80s and my presence among my Danish peers was still viewed as “exotic” rather than “threatening.” I grew up as a native speaker of Danish, a devout lover of leverpostej and remoulade, and a loyal fan of Dennis Jürgensen’s youth novels. Surely, I was occasionally reminded of “where I originally came from” insofar as my Danish education could, of course, never be fully realized due to my “exotic” roots. I can, however, not recall a single instance of such evocations that stuck or caused any recognizable long-term damage to my character (if such a thing is possible). It was a relatively happy childhood and, although I was rarely targeted, it is only in retrospect that I understand the severity of derogatory colloquialisms such as “fremmedarbejder,” “indvandrer,” and “perker.” During those years, I possessed an innate ability to brush off the impact of such verbal assaults — that same ability that I, in adulthood, have further honed to brush off the tremors of terms and expressions employed in the mainstream Israeli discourse regarding the country’s Arab citizens (the community with which I am affiliated today). For some enigmatic reason, I have never felt that I belonged in those targeted minority groups. Kreisler’s words did not exactly unsettle this ability, but rather they complemented a process that had started some years earlier. My so-called ability was severely diminished during the period between 2014 and 2017 when I won a Martin Buber postdoctoral fellowship at the Hebrew University and I had to stay overnight in Jerusalem during weekdays to work from my office. Daily interactions with Jewish and German colleagues at the Hebrew University revealed an Israeli reality that I had not encountered while living in Tarshiha since I had moved to Israel nearly two decades earlier.

Although Israel always configured as a major presence ever since I can remember, up until the point of my postdoctoral studies, I had somehow succeeded in not really seeing or understanding what Israel represents. The annual three-hour trip from the Lydda airport (Ben Gurion airport) to Tarshiha — which marked the start of the summer vacation — never opened my eyes to the complex reality between Tel Aviv and this distant Galilean village since I always managed to sleep through the ride. As far as to how my young mind conceptualized the world then, Tarshiha was Israel and Israel was Tarshiha. Herzilya, Netanya, Haifa, Acre, and Naharyia did not exist insofar as they never entered my field of vision or imagination. I recall my mother waking me up when we’d arrive at the entrance to Tarshiha and ascend the curvy main street past the Mosque, the Roman Catholic church and then the Greek Orthodox one, before we reached our destination — the upper quarter of the village where both my paternal and maternal families resided and where we would stay for the next four weeks. 

Years later when I, as a young adult, moved to Israel for my university studies, my decision was based in those childhood memories — the joy associated with those summer vacations. Strangely as it may seem, I simply did not think about the political implications of what it would be like to live in Israel as an Arab citizen. During my undergraduate studies at the University of Haifa, I stuck with my Danish peers between classes. I arrived during a period when the glamor of the signing of the Oslo Agreement was still at large and political activity on the mixed campus in Haifa appeared more-or-less civilized. The controversial Arab (and today exiled) intellectual Azmi Bishara was being courted by the Israeli media as the next big thing, and this first actual encounter with Israel of the 90s outside Tarshiha convinced me that the place seemed by and large habitable. 

In 1995, I stood among the crowds outside the Church of Nativity on Christmas Eve witnessing Yasser Arafat’s historic arrival in Bethlehem. To be honest, I felt excited but my excitement was not rooted in national sentiments — it was rather a sensation a tourist might experience, seeing the Sistine Chapel for the first time. During the following years, my impressions remained intact despite having experienced the October Riots and the Second Intifada in 2000, and the Second Lebanon War (with short-range missiles raining over the Galilee while I was carrying my then one-year old son) in 2006. On television, I watched the Israeli military declare three consecutive wars on the population of Gaza, killing thousands of Palestinians. I saw the mainstream Israeli political discourse moving further and further to the right, anticipating the election of one extreme government after another, and still I did not get it. It was only when I arrived in Jerusalem as a postdoctoral researcher I started to understand my place in all of this. In Tarshiha among relatives and friends, I was “al-danimarki” (the Dane). In Jerusalem, I became the Arab — a Palestinian Arab.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.