Free Citizen Journalists in Sudan & Call for Videos

[Citizen journalist captures wreckage in Sudan in 2012. Image by ENOUGH Project via Flickr] [Citizen journalist captures wreckage in Sudan in 2012. Image by ENOUGH Project via Flickr]

Free Citizen Journalists in Sudan & Call for Videos

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was issued by Sudan Watch on 22 July 2012. The organization is calling for brief videos about the importance of citizen journalism for an upcoming campaign.] 

Citizen journalism has been changing the media landscape since the rise of blogs in the late 90s. This was further accelerated by the Arab Spring. It has moved from a nuisance to the only source of information where access is impossible for traditional media.

It was citizen journalists who brought us pictures and videos from Libya when journalists were unable to gain access to the country. It is still citizen journalists who provide us with almost all content from Syria. We see amateur videos on major broadcasters such Al Jazeera simply because professional journalists are not able to gain access.

This is why citizen journalism has become more important than ever in Sudan as the government continues its crackdown on media and journalists. The government of Sudan recognizes the threat from citizen journalists and is actively targeting them. This is a select few – very few.

Unlike in more affluent countries or cities, smartphones with cameras are not easily affordable by college students and the like. It is a luxury not many can afford. It is also the first thing that is confiscated when you are detained in a protest. Many simply leave their mobile phones at home.

Khalid Al Baih (@khalidalbaih), a political cartoonist, was once trying to shoot a video with his phone during a protest in Khartoum when the police shot a tear gas canister directly at him. They take it very seriously.

This is why the prolonged detention of people like Usamah Mohammed (@simsimt) is particularly worrying. He is not detained because of his political affiliation (he has none), or for protesting (typical detention for protesting does not last more than a day). He is perceived as a very serious threat as a citizen journalist.

Usamah’s last tweet, minutes before his arrest, tells you just the kind of person he is and what he stands for:

Btw, I`m just being technical. You can use my tweets without even mentioning me. Free content advocate here!

We are trying to put together a video about citizen journalism and its importance, particularly in covering the ongoing protests in Sudan.

We ask you to take a few minutes of your time and record a short video about the importance of citizen journalism in your field of work and how it helps you learn things you would not otherwise be able to. If you wish to mention Usamah by name, we encourage you to but you do not have to.

Send your video recordings to freeusamah@sudanwatch.com

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412