Beth Baron and Jeffrey Culang, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Modern Egyptian History (New Texts Out Now)

Beth Baron and Jeffrey Culang, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Modern Egyptian History (New Texts Out Now)

Beth Baron and Jeffrey Culang, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Modern Egyptian History (New Texts Out Now)

By : Beth Baron and Jeffrey Culang

Beth Baron and Jeffrey Culang (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Modern Egyptian History (Oxford University Press, 2024).

Jadaliyya (J): What made you edit this volume? 

Beth Baron (BB): An editor from Oxford University Press contacted me about the possibility of editing a handbook on the history of modern Egypt. Given the years that had passed since the appearance of the classic Cambridge volumes on Egyptian history, there was clearly room and demand for such a volume. Although I had sworn never to edit another book or journal, I reconsidered and thought that this might be an interesting project to work on with Jeff, who had been the outstanding book review editor of the International Journal of Middle East Studies (IJMES) when I edited it and was now its managing editor. In fact, I would not have taken on the project unless Jeff had been enthusiastic about it and had agreed to be the co-editor. It was wonderful to be collaborating again and to have Tamara Maatouk join later as an assistant editor. We all thought that putting such a volume together could be a significant contribution to the field of Egyptian studies at a time when working in and on Egypt had become fraught. What quickly became apparent from the contributions was that the challenge of accessing archives in Egypt had given rise to novel questions, approaches, and source materials.

The connective tissue, as Beth alluded to, is the relationship between archives, knowledge, and power...

J:  What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address? 

Jeffrey Culang (JC): Rather than a broad survey of modern Egyptian history, we wanted this book to put a spotlight on the most exciting and promising topics in modern Egyptian history right now—both to brag, in a way, about the depth and quality of scholarship emerging from our field, but also to encourage new work in these areas. The latter include the history of medicine, the environment, and disease, which are inseparable in many ways, as well as that of technology, labor, and mobility, which also intersect—together comprising the first two sections of the handbook. They also include strands of analysis and debate within the traditional staples of law, culture, and politics and political ideas, which take up the rest of the book. You can probably tell that the project touches on quite a long list of issues and literatures! The connective tissue, as Beth alluded to, is the relationship between archives, knowledge, and power—which is especially pertinent at a time when the Sisi regime in Egypt is surveilling and suppressing knowledge production, including that related to history, while also producing and disseminating narratives of Egyptian history in ways that serve its interests and survival into the future. I am confident that any reader with an interest in Egyptian history or any of the broader issues I mentioned will find something for them in this book.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work? 

JC: We started working on this book as I was wrapping up a five-year term as Managing Editor of IJMES, so it was easy to see the new project as an opportunity to extend and perhaps build upon the editorial work I was doing on the journal. The main difference was that I would now be focused exclusively on my own field of modern Egyptian history and have the chance to collaborate with a group of incredible scholars from around the world in that field whose work I had engaged with closely over the years and, in many cases, whom I knew personally. Along with Beth and Tamara, I read and commented upon each chapter at least once and often multiple times—a process that was very exciting and fruitful for me and, I hope, the authors, too. I saw this as a way of contributing to field-building—something volumes such as ours often aspire to do, and which I also tried my hand at while at IJMES.

In terms of my chapter in the handbook, the piece is a departure from my prior published work in that it is an example of communal history—that of Egyptian Jewry—though one reflecting a conscious effort to use that history to tell a more “central” story. This is the transition from the Islamic notion of the common good to the secular notion of public interest in Egypt, which gets at issues of inclusion and exclusion amid the rise of the Egyptian nation-state. I wanted to show how perceived communal and conceptual boundaries often (re)inscribed in scholarship are far less stable than we might presume and that transgressing them can produce new insights and help push the field in new directions.

BB: Prior to editing IJMES, I had edited two volumes: Women in Middle Eastern History, with my doctoral advisor, Nikki Keddie, and then a book in honor of Keddie, with Rudi Matthee. Those experiences taught me a great deal about editing and made it easier to navigate some of the issues that came up in this project. The project differed from prior ones in that Oxford handbooks are big books, much bigger than the earlier volumes I edited or an IJMES issue, which gave us the opportunity to cast a wide net in soliciting articles, with twenty-five contributions the final number.  The pandemic slowed us down, but we are very pleased with the final result. 

My own piece in the handbook builds on past work on gender and colonialism with a focus now on medicine and the body. The article looks at imperial efforts to professionalize local midwives (dayas) through the development of a network of maternity schools and birthing protocols as well as the ways in which midwives responded to the new training and inspection regime. It draws on the papers of the imperial inspector of the schools, Grace de Courcy, who was one of the first women doctors from New Zealand.  

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

BB & JC: We hope this book will be read in graduate seminars on Egyptian and Middle Eastern history and by historians of modern Egypt, the broader Middle East, and beyond. As mentioned already, our main goal with this book was to take stock of where the field of modern Egyptian history stands and to direct the energy of emerging scholars specifically to areas of inquiry that seem most interesting and pertinent right now. This goal is obviously focused on our own field. But we also had a secondary goal of demonstrating the broad relevance of Egyptian history. For a long time, one had the sense that modern Egyptian historiography was perpetually half a decade or more behind other fields—not only European history, but also other areas of colonial history. That is no longer the case. Historians of Egypt are producing cutting-edge work that is being picked up in and shaping many other fields. We would like our book to amplify this trend.

J: What other projects are you working on now? 

JC: I am working on an article manuscript on the life of the concept of the minority in Egypt and exploring new projects on the history of the environment. Independent of these efforts, I am currently Senior Editor at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University SIPA, where I work closely with thought leaders in energy and climate to help them translate complex and often technical ideas into accessible and compelling content that can inform policy. I am also teaching a course there that I developed on research and writing in the policy space.

BB: My current book project, “Hard Labors,” looks at the history of birth work in colonial Egypt, focusing on those who gave birth and those who assisted them. The book moves between Egypt’s first male and female obstetricians and gynecologists, such as Dr Naguib Mahfouz; problems in conceiving, pregnancy, and giving birth; and the midwives who delivered the majority of Egyptian babies throughout most of the twentieth century. Drawing on a range of materials, including medical journals, textbooks, memoirs, Mahfouz’s medical museum, and private papers, the work traces the medicalization of childbirth and at the same time challenges the romanticization of “natural birth.”

J: Can you tell us a bit about the story behind the wonderful cover of the book? 

BB & JC: We wanted to find an image from Egypt that reflects some of the themes of the book. In our search, we found a painting titled “The Square II” by the extraordinary Egyptian painter Mohamed Abla, which depicts the vibrant life of a popular square in Cairo called Midan ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Riyad, named after the widely venerated officer and Chief of Staff of the Egyptian Armed Forces during the Nasser era. Anyone who has spent time in Cairo would recognize and probably have feelings about the scene of cars, bikes, and buses zipping by, people walking, talking, or whiling away the hours, and animals prowling and scouring for food or attention. The painting encapsulates Cairene social life, technology, mobility, the environment, modernity, and the relationship between the military and society. It also evokes ideas of time, space, and change inherent to historical questions. With the help of Alzahraa Ahmed, who is familiar with the Egyptian art world, we were able to connect with the artist, who was kind enough to offer us permission to use the painting for the book cover. Beth and Tamara also traveled to Egypt around this time and had the chance to see some of Mohamad Abla’s work in person at Gallery Misr in Cairo. We are incredibly grateful to the artist and so happy with how the cover turned out.

 

Excerpt from the book (from the Introduction: New Directions in Egyptian History)

This book originated with an invitation from Oxford University Press to fill a void in Egyptian history in its Oxford Handbooks series, which offers high-level surveys of the state of the art. Thinking that the time was ripe for such a book on Egypt—it had been two decades since the publication of the two-volume Cambridge History of Egypt, edited by Carl F. Petry and M. W. Daly—we accepted the invitation. The Oxford Handbook of Modern Egyptian History brings together a dynamic and diverse group of historians of modern Egypt to map the present state of the field. Rather than adopting a synthetic approach, it aims to showcase the most cutting-edge and promising avenues of research among leading scholars in Egyptian history, laying new ground upon which future generations of scholars may build. The handbook is intended for both a general audience and specialists, who will encounter overviews one would expect from a reference work in history and new research that pushes the field forward, with an emphasis on the latter.

Scholars of Egyptian history long understood the modern period to begin with the movement of European people and ideas to Egypt’s northern shores sparked by Napoleon’s invasion in 1798. From this perspective, modern Egyptian history was animated by the diverse and sometimes contradictory ways in which Egyptians responded over time to colonial power and modern forms of knowledge. Since the mid-twentieth century, scholars have sought to complicate the facile colonizer/colonized and modern/tradition binaries undergirding this view. This volume builds on this effort. We see modern Egyptian history not as a series of reactions, but as a continuous process of translation and adaptation, invention and reinvention, construction and reconstruction that followed the French invasion but was not dependent upon it and that was far from unilinear. What is modern is less mimicry of Europe and more new technologies of governance, urban and rural structures, productions of law and culture, and ways of seeing the body and body politic.

Temporally, then, the volume explores the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, with a few chapters covering the twenty-first century and post-2011 revolutionary and counterrevolutionary forces. Whereas some chapters carve out large arcs of time, a (long) century or even the whole modern era, others focus on particular periods—such as the khedival or interwar years—or take deep dives into specific decades. The questions asked reflect contemporary concerns and debates, including medical sovereignty and bodily autonomy; the management of the environment; the rights and movements of workers; courts and legal struggles; cultural expression, production, and reception; and the relationship between the army, state, and society.

The handbook includes twenty-five chapters organized into five topical clusters: medicine, environment, and disease; technology, mobility, and labor; law and society; literary, performative, and visual culture; and state, politics, and intellectuals. The authors address long- standing themes in the field, though in new ways, and explore new themes reshaping how we understand modern Egyptian history, and thus Middle Eastern, global, and transnational histories. The topics demonstrate the expansion of Egyptian history beyond the traditional staples in social, economic, and political history.

The histories of medicine, environment, and disease are the fastest-growing fields within Middle Eastern history today. We combine them in the first section to highlight their intersections and amplify the various concerns that run across the chapters in this section, notably the mutual constitution of public health and the state. Recent literature on the history of technology has breathed new life into historical materialism. New technologies needed laborers who came through immigration and internal mobilizations, voluntary and involuntary, and included men and women. These technologies also involved nonhumans, transforming their relationship to both humans and the natural environment. The chapters in the second section draw out some of these connections. Recent legal histories of the modern Middle East have sought to rethink the relationship between Islamic law and secular law, the secularization of law, and the role of law broadly in shaping modern subjectivities and societies in the region. The chapters in the third section build on such efforts by examining underanalyzed areas of Egypt’s legal system, drawing on new or different kinds of sources, and/ or incorporating new analytical frameworks. Egyptian culture has long had an outsized influence on the Arabic-speaking world, and the field of Egyptian cultural history has reflected that dynamism. The authors in the fourth section show the potential value in revisiting and reinterpreting long-standing archives and the possibilities in creating new ones, whether textual, visual, or performative. The final section poses frameworks for understanding how the Egyptian state was constituted over a long durée, theorizes the place of intellectuals during the colonial and postcolonial periods, including in their relationship to the state, and examines the state’s production and reproduction of Egyptian history since 2011, in addition to countervailing renderings of the past. Each of the five clusters maintains a loosely chronological order while attempting to juxtapose chapters that are in conversation with one another.

Readers will surely identify topical gaps in the handbook. These, in part, reflect an acknowledgment on our part that no volume can provide a complete history of modern Egypt, if such a history were possible. But it also reflects our sense that, in the wake of the 2011 uprising and subsequent retrenchment of authoritarianism under President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, with all the implications these events have had on research and scholarship, the field is at a hinge point, and now is as good a time as any to take stock of where we are and where we are going. We therefore opted to forgo any attempt to represent all subfields of Egyptian history and instead focus on the questions, topics, and trajectories that are animating the field at present […]

Our authors adopt a variety of analytical lenses. Gender cuts across many of the chapters in the handbook, with attention to the (re)training of birth workers, women’s labor activism and social welfare work, changes in family law, and the ways in which photography shaped new social practices. Class comes to the fore in explorations of medical professionalization, migrant laborers who worked on the Suez Canal, debt and imprisonment, and petition writers, among other topics. While there is some signaling to race here, particularly in discussions on colonialism, there is much more that could be done, and we look forward to seeing more work in the field that combines analyses of race, class, and gender intersectionality moving forward.

One of the most challenging and interesting developments in the recent writing of Egyptian history is the turn away from the Egyptian National Archives, Dar al- Watha‘iq al- Qawmiyya, for reconstructing the past. This is in part by choice but also of necessity. While historians recognize the wealth of material in the archives, teeming as it is with petitions, court cases, administrative files, and so on, access to the archives, long difficult for foreign scholars, has become extremely hard for all but a few scholars in a post-2011 world, for reasons that Pascale Ghazaleh explores in her chapter. While a few of the chapters in this volume are based on trips to the archives in earlier decades, most draw on literary, oral, and visual materials found outside the Egyptian National Archives.

Scholars have collected photographs from the historic book market of Cairo, oral histories from doctors, and documents from family and private archives. Aware that the Arabic periodical press has been a mainstay of historical writing, particularly of cultural and intellectual histories, scholars have drawn on some of the most well- known journals but have also turned to administrative, medical, and theatrical journals, among others. Rather than disregard colonial archives, they have employed new methodologies to read colonial archives creatively. They have found new imperial sources from outside Great Britain, sources in underutilized archives outside Egypt, and sources in languages such as Greek and Italian. The internet has facilitated the search for new materials, connecting scholars to one another, to the holders of private and family collections, and to established and emerging digital archives. There is hope that new initiatives such as H-Egypt will disseminate information on the circulation of such materials. In short, calls to decenter the view from the capital, and by necessity to decenter the national archives, have led to the proliferation of new strategies for locating sources materials, which in turn has led to exciting new work in Egyptian history.

[…]

Finally, this handbook was some time in the making, due in no small part to the pandemic. COVID set back our timetable, not least because some of our scholars had difficulty accessing libraries and archives as well as finding the space and concentration to write. The editors also faced interruptions and challenges. But we are thrilled with the volume that has resulted. We hope that it lives up to expectations to chart new directions for the field and that its voids and holes are seen by a new generation as opportunities to embrace and challenges to be met head on.

New Texts Out Now: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein, guest eds. "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis." Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development

Conflict, Security and Development, Volume 15, No. 5 (December 2015) Special issue: "Israel-Palestine after Oslo: Mapping Transformations in a Time of Deepening Crisis," Guest Editors: Mandy Turner and Cherine Hussein.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you compile this volume?

Mandy Turner (MT): Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead. Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation. But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively. It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution. And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse. The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.

The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis. And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative. The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.

Guided by these observations, this special issue sought to undertake two tasks. The first task was to analyze the perceptions underpinning the Oslo framework and paradigm as well as some of the transformations instituted by its implementation: why is it so resilient, what has it created? The second task, which follows on from the first, was then to ask: how can we reframe our understanding of what is happening, what are some potential alternatives, and who is arguing and mobilizing for them?

These questions and themes grew out of a number of conversations with early-career scholars – some based at the Kenyon Institute in East Jerusalem, and some based in the occupied Palestinian territory and elsewhere. These conversations led to two interlinked panels at the International Studies Association annual convention in Toronto, Canada, in March 2014. To have two panels accepted on “conflict transformation and resistance in Palestine” at such a conventional international relations conference with (at the time unknown) early-career scholars is no mean feat. The large and engaged audience we received at these panels – with some very established names coming along (one of whom contributed to this special issue) – convinced us that this new stream of scholars and scholarship should have an outlet.  

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures do the articles address?

MT: The first half of the special issue analyzes how certain problematic assumptions shaped the Oslo framework, and how the Oslo framework in turn shaped the political, economic and territorial landscape.

Virginia Tilley’s article focuses on the paradigm of conflict resolution upon which the Oslo Accords were based, and calls for a re-evaluation of what she argues are the two interlinked central principles underpinning its worldview: internationally accepted notions of Israeli sovereignty; and the internationally accepted idea that the “conflict” is essentially one between two peoples–the “Palestinian people” and the “Jewish people”. Through her critical interrogation of these two “common sense” principles, Tilley proposes that the “conflict” be reinterpreted as an example of settler colonialism, and, as a result of this, recommends an alternative conflict resolution model based on a paradigm shift away from an ethno-nationalist division of the polity towards a civic model of the nation.

Tariq Dana unpacks another central plank of the Oslo paradigm–that of promoting economic relations between Israel and the OPT. He analyses this through the prism of “economic peace” (particularly the recent revival of theories of “capitalist peace”), whose underlying assumptions are predicated on the perceived superiority of economic approaches over political approaches to resolving conflict. Dana argues that there is a symbiosis between Israeli strategies of “economic peace” and recent Palestinian “statebuilding strategies” (referred to as Fayyadism), and that both operate as a form of pacification and control because economic cooperation leaves the colonial relationship unchallenged.

The political landscape in the OPT has been transformed by the Oslo paradigm, particularly by the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Alaa Tartir therefore analyses the basis, agenda and trajectory of the PA, particularly its post-2007 state building strategy. By focusing on the issue of local legitimacy and accountability, and based on fieldwork in two sites in the occupied West Bank (Balata and Jenin refugee camps), Tartir concludes that the main impact of the creation of the PA on ordinary people’s lives has been the strengthening of authoritarian control and the hijacking of any meaningful visions of Palestinian liberation.

The origin of the administrative division between the West Bank and Gaza Strip is the focus of Tareq Baconi’s article. He charts how Hamas’s initial opposition to the Oslo Accords and the PA was transformed over time, leading to its participation (and success) in the 2006 legislative elections. Baconi argues that it was the perceived demise of the peace process following the collapse of the Camp David discussions that facilitated this change. But this set Hamas on a collision course with Israel and the international community, which ultimately led to the conflict between Hamas and Fateh, and the administrative division, which continues to exist.

The special issue thereafter focuses, in the second section, on alternatives and resistance to Oslo’s transformations.

Cherine Hussein’s article charts the re-emergence of the single-state idea in opposition to the processes of separation unleashed ideologically and practically that were codified in the Oslo Accords. Analysing it as both a movement of resistance and as a political alternative to Oslo, while recognizing that it is currently largely a movement of intellectuals (particularly of diaspora Palestinians and Israelis), Hussein takes seriously its claim to be a more just and liberating alternative to the two-state solution.

My article highlights the work of a small but dedicated group of anti-Zionist Jewish-Israeli activists involved in two groups: Zochrot and Boycott from Within. Both groups emerged in the post-Second Intifada period, which was marked by deep disillusionment with the Oslo paradigm. This article unpacks the alternative – albeit marginalized – analysis, solution and route to peace proposed by these groups through the application of three concepts: hegemony, counter-hegemony and praxis. The solution, argue the activists, lies in Israel-Palestine going through a process of de-Zionization and decolonization, and the process of achieving this lies in actions in solidarity with Palestinians.

This type of solidarity action is the focus of the final article by Suzanne Morrison, who analyses the “We Divest” campaign, which is the largest divestment campaign in the US and forms part of the wider Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. Through attention to their activities and language, Morrison shows how “We Divest”, with its networked, decentralized, grassroots and horizontal structure, represents a new way of challenging Israel’s occupation and the suppression of Palestinian rights.

The two parts of the special issue are symbiotic: the critique and alternative perspectives analyzed in part two are responses to the issues and problems identified in part one.

J: How does this volume connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

MT: My work focuses on the political economy of donor intervention (which falls under the rubric of “peacebuilding”) in the OPT, particularly a critique of the Oslo peace paradigm and framework. This is a product of my broader conceptual and historical interest in the sociology of intervention as a method of capitalist expansion and imperial control (as explored in “The Politics of International Intervention: the Tyranny of Peace”, co-edited with Florian Kuhn, Routledge, 2016), and how post-conflict peacebuilding and development agendas are part of this (as explored in “Whose Peace: Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding”, co-edited with Michael Pugh and Neil Cooper (PalgraveMacmillan, 2008).  

My first book on Palestine (co-edited with Omar Shweiki), Decolonizing Palestinian Political Economy: De-development and Beyond (PalgraveMacmillan, 2014), was a collection of essays by experts in their field, of the political-economic experience of different sections of the Palestinian community. The book, however, aimed to reunite these individual experiences into one historical political-economy narrative of a people experiencing a common theme of dispossession, disenfranchisement and disarticulation. It was guided by the desire to critically assess the utility of the concept of de-development to different sectors and issues–and had a foreword by Sara Roy, the scholar who coined the term, and who was involved in the workshop from which the book emerged.

This co-edited special issue (with Cherine Hussein, who, at the time of the issue construction, was the deputy director of the Kenyon Institute) was therefore the next logical step in my research on Palestine, although my article on Jewish-Israeli anti-Zionists did constitute a slight departure from my usual focus.

J: Who do you hope will read this volume, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

MT: I would imagine the main audience will be those whose research and political interests lie in Palestine Studies. It is difficult, given the structure of academic publishing – which has become ever more corporate and money grabbing – for research outputs such as this to be accessed by the general public. Only those with access to academic libraries are sure to be able to read it – and this is a travesty, in my opinion. To counteract this commodification of knowledge, we should all provide free access to our outputs through online open source websites such as academia.edu, etc. If academic research is going to have an impact beyond merely providing more material for teaching and background reading for yet more research (which is inaccessible to the general public) then this is essential. Websites such as Jadaliyya are therefore incredibly important.

Having said all that, I am under no illusions about the potential for ANY research on Israel-Palestine to contribute to changing the dynamics of the situation. However, as a collection of excellent analyses conducted by mostly early-career scholars in the field of Palestine studies, I am hopeful that their interesting and new perspectives will be read and digested. 

J: What other projects are you working on now?

MT: I am currently working on an edited volume provisionally entitled From the River to the Sea: Disintegration, Reintegration and Domination in Israel and Palestine. This book is the culmination of a two-year research project funded by the British Academy, which analyzed the impacts of the past twenty years of the Oslo peace framework and paradigm as processes of disintegration, reintegration and domination – and how they have created a new socio-economic and political landscape, which requires new agendas and frameworks. I am also working on a new research project with Tariq Dana at Birzeit University on capital and class in the occupied West Bank.

Excerpt from the Editor’s Note 

[Note: This issue was published in Dec. 2015]

Initially perceived to have inaugurated a new era of hope in the search for peace and justice in Palestine-Israel, the Oslo peace paradigm of a track one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution is in crisis today, if not completely at an end.

While the major Western donors and the ‘international community’ continue to publicly endorse the Oslo peace paradigm, Israeli and Palestinian political elites have both stepped away from it. The Israeli government has adopted what appears to be an outright rejection of the internationally-accepted end-goal of negotiations, i.e. the emergence of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In March 2015, in the final days of his re-election campaign, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, visited the Jewish settlement of Har Homa in Palestinian East Jerusalem, which is regarded as illegal under international law. Reminding its inhabitants that it was him and his Likud government that had established the settlement in 1997 as part of the Israeli state’s vision of a unified indivisible Jerusalem, he promised to expand the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem if re-elected. And in an interview with Israeli news site, NRG, Netanyahu vowed that the prospects of a Palestinian state were non-existent as long as he remained in office. Holding on to the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), he argued, was necessary to ensure Israel’s security in the context of regional instability and Islamic extremism. It is widely acknowledged that Netanyahu’s emphasis on Israel’s security—against both external and internal enemies—gave him a surprise win in an election he was widely expected to lose.

Despite attempts to backtrack under recognition that the US and European states are critical of this turn in official Israeli state policy, Netanyahu’s promise to bury the two-state solution in favour of a policy of further annexation has become the Israeli government’s official intent, and has been enthusiastically endorsed by leading ministers and key advisers.

[…]

The Palestinian Authority (PA) based in the West Bank also appears to have rejected a key principle of the Oslo peace paradigm—that of bilateral negotiations under the supervision of the US. Despite a herculean effort by US Secretary of State, John Kerry, to bring the two parties to the negotiating table, in response to the lack of movement towards final status issues and continued settlement expansion (amongst other issues), the Palestinian political elite have withdrawn from negotiations and resumed attempts to ‘internationalise the struggle’ by seeking membership of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN), and signing international treaties such as the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court. This change of direction is part of a rethink in the PA and PLO’s strategy rooted in wider discussions and debates. The publication of a document by the Palestine Strategy Study Group (PSSG) in August 2008, the production of which involved many members of the Palestinian political elite (and whose recommendations were studiously discussed at the highest levels of the PA and PLO), showed widespread discontent with the bilateral negotiations framework and suggested ways in which Palestinians could ‘regain the initiative’.

[…]

And yet despite these changes in official Palestinian and Israeli political strategies that signal a deepening of the crisis, donors and the ‘international community’ are reluctant to accept the failure of the Oslo peace paradigm. This political myopia has meant the persistence of a framework that is increasingly divorced from the possibility of a just and sustainable peace. It is also acting as an ideological straitjacket by shutting out alternative interpretations. This special issue seeks a way out of this political and intellectual dead end. In pursuit of this, our various contributions undertake what we regard to be two key tasks: first, to critically analyse the perceptions underpinning the Oslo paradigm and the transformations instituted by its implementation; and second, to assess some alternative ways of understanding the situation rooted in new strategies of resistance that have emerged in the context of these transformations in the post-Oslo landscape.

[…]

Taken as a whole, the articles in this special issue aim to ignite conversations on the conflict that are not based within abstracted debates that centre upon the peace process itself—but that begin from within the realities and geographies of both the continually transforming land of Palestine-Israel and the voices, struggles, worldviews and imaginings of the future of the people who presently inhabit it. For it is by highlighting these transformations, and from within these points of beginning, that we believe more hopeful pathways for alternative ways forward can be collectively imagined, articulated, debated and built.